The UK could already be back in recession, say forecasters

The Item Club and the CEBR say Britain is in a double-dip recession. Where is the government's plan

Barely a week goes past without more bleak economic news. And now, according to two top forecasters, it appears that the UK could already be back in recession.

Ernst and Young's Item Club and the Centre for Economics and Business Research (CEBR) both believe that GDP shrank in the final quarter of 2011 and will fall again in the current three month period. A recession is defined as two consecutive quarters of contracting output.

This may come as no surprise (the OECD predicted similar results in November last year), but the Item Club's predictions are particularly worrying for the coalition. It is the only non-governmental forecasting group to use the same economic model for its forecasts as the Treasury and the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR).

The Item Club's report predicts that the economy will grow just 0.2 per cent this year, and will not return to normal levels of growth until 2014, because the eurozone crisis will hold back investment in the UK. Even if a solution is found, it predicts that Britain's economy will still only grow by 1.75 per cent in 2012 and 3.8 per cent in 2014. Nor is it optimistic about job prospects, stating that unemployment will rise by a further 300,000 to just below three million people as the private sector fails to compensate for public sector job losses.

The CEBR reiterates these findings. It revised down its forecast for growth for 2012 from 0.7 per cent growth to a decline of 0.4 per cent, with a risk of decline of 1.1 per cent if the situation in the eurozone worsens.

For the time being, then, there is little light at the end of the tunnel. Amid these depressing forecasts about growth and unemployment, IPPR North has humanised the statistics by analysing ONS figures to show that in some areas of the UK, there are 20 jobseekers for each vacancy. In the worst affected area, West Dunbartonshire, there are 20 for each vacancy, while in London, Lewisham has 16 jobseekers for every job. It found that the national average was four jobseekers for every vacancy.

If these predictions are borne out -- and past example suggests that the most pessimistic forecasts tend to be the correct ones -- then it will be the double dip recession that the New Statesman has been warning of since March 2009. In October 2009, our Economics Editor David Blanchflower wrote:

Lesson number one in a deep recession is you don't cut public spending until you are into the boom phase. John Maynard Keynes taught us that. The euro area appears to be heading back into recession and the austerity measures being introduced in certain eurozone countries, especially those in Germany, will inevitably lower UK growth, too. It is extremely unlikely, therefore, that net trade will leap to our rescue. taught us that. The consequence of cutting too soon is that you drive the economy into a depression, with the attendant threats of rapidly rising unemployment, social disorder, rising poverty, falling living standards and even soup kitchens.

The government's sole economic priority thus far has been balancing the books. Will they come up with a plan for growth, faced with more and more bleak predictions? Somehow, it doesn't seem likely.

 

Samira Shackle is a freelance journalist, who tweets @samirashackle. She was formerly a staff writer for the New Statesman.

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Northern Ireland election results: a shift beneath the status quo

The power of the largest parties has been maintained, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

After a long day of counting and tinkering with the region’s complex PR vote transfer sytem, Northern Irish election results are slowly starting to trickle in. Overall, the status quo of the largest parties has been maintained with Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party returning as the largest nationalist and unionist party respectively. However, beyond the immediate scope of the biggest parties, interesting changes are taking place. The two smaller nationalist and unionist parties appear to be losing support, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

The most significant win of the night so far has been Gerry Carroll from People Before Profit who topped polls in the Republican heartland of West Belfast. Traditionally a Sinn Fein safe constituency and a former seat of party leader Gerry Adams, Carroll has won hearts at a local level after years of community work and anti-austerity activism. A second People Before Profit candidate Eamon McCann also holds a strong chance of winning a seat in Foyle. The hard-left party’s passionate defence of public services and anti-austerity politics have held sway with working class families in the Republican constituencies which both feature high unemployment levels and which are increasingly finding Republicanism’s focus on the constitutional question limiting in strained economic times.

The Green party is another smaller party which is slowly edging further into the mainstream. As one of the only pro-choice parties at Stormont which advocates for abortion to be legalised on a level with Great Britain’s 1967 Abortion Act, the party has found itself thrust into the spotlight in recent months following the prosecution of a number of women on abortion related offences.

The mixed-religion, cross-community Alliance party has experienced mixed results. Although it looks set to increase its result overall, one of the best known faces of the party, party leader David Ford, faces the real possibility of losing his seat in South Antrim following a poor performance as Justice Minister. Naomi Long, who sensationally beat First Minister Peter Robinson to take his East Belfast seat at the 2011 Westminster election before losing it again to a pan-unionist candidate, has been elected as Stormont MLA for the same constituency. Following her competent performance as MP and efforts to reach out to both Protestant and Catholic voters, she has been seen by many as a rising star in the party and could now represent a more appealing leader to Ford.

As these smaller parties slowly gain a foothold in Northern Ireland’s long-established and stagnant political landscape, it appears to be the smaller two nationalist and unionist parties which are losing out to them. The moderate nationalist party the SDLP risks losing previously safe seats such as well-known former minister Alex Attwood’s West Belfast seat. The party’s traditional, conservative values such as upholding the abortion ban and failing to embrace the campaign for same-sex marriage has alienated younger voters who instead may be drawn to Alliance, the Greens or People Before Profit. Local commentators have speculate that the party may fail to get enough support to qualify for a minister at the executive table.

The UUP are in a similar position on the unionist side of the spectrum. While popular with older voters, they lack the charismatic force of the DUP and progressive policies of the newer parties. Over the course of the last parliament, the party has aired the possibility of forming an official opposition rather than propping up the mandatory power-sharing coalition set out by the peace process. A few months ago, legislation will finally past to allow such an opposition to form. The UUP would not commit to saying whether they are planning on being the first party to take up that position. However, lacklustre election results may increase the appeal. As the SDLP suffers similar circumstances, they might well also see themselves attracted to the role and form a Stormont’s first official opposition together as a way of regaining relevance and esteem in a system where smaller parties are increasingly jostling for space.