Strong US growth raises the bar for Osborne

Osborne may soon no longer be able to boast that the UK is doing better than the US.

One of George Osborne's favourite boasts is that the UK economy has grown by more than the US economy this year. He consistently cites this fact as proof that austerity, not stimulus, is the way to grow the economy. This passage, from an Osborne op-ed for the Telegraph in August, is typical:

The US economy has grown more slowly than the UK economy so far this year, despite fiscal stimulus in the former and fiscal consolidation in the latter, showing that the problem is not too much fiscal responsibility.

His basic claim is not wrong. In the first two quarters of this year, the US economy grew by 0.3 per cent (0.1 per cent in Q1 and 0.2 per cent in Q2), while the UK economy grew by 0.5 per cent (0.4 per cent in Q1 and 0.1 per cent in Q2). (Although, of course, the UK economy shrunk by 0.5 per cent in the fourth quarter of 2010, while the US economy grew by 0.6 per cent.) But today's better-than-expected US growth figures have raised the bar for Osborne. In the third quarter, the US economy grew by a relatively impressive 0.6 per cent (or an annual rate of 2.5 per cent).

It's a figure that few economists expect the UK to match when the Q3 GDP figures are published on Tuesday. Growth in the second quarter was recently revised down by the ONS to just 0.1 per cent and the Q3 figure is unlikely to be much better.

The challenge is clear. Unless the Q3 growth figure is at least 0.5 per cent, Osborne will no longer be able to boast that the UK has grown by more than the US this year.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.