Lib Dems speak out against "bonkers" reaction to riots

David Cameron could have a fight on his hands over his law and order plans.

It looks like David Cameron could meet stiff resistance to his "zero tolerance" plans for law and order when parliament returns in September.

Liberal Democrats have expressed discomfort with the uncompromising stance that the Prime Minister has adopted in the aftermath of last week's riots. Tory suggestions have included evicting rioters from council houses and holding a consultation on ending benefit payments to offenders.

Lady Hamwee, the Lib Dem home affairs spokeswoman in the Lords, said there should be "zero tolerance with zero tolerance". She told the Guardian:

I am worried. I think there is something in the 'broken windows' theory of policing -- that you can bring down crime by catching things early -- but not zero tolerance.

I also think it is very important not to make policy on the hoof. My instinct is that it would be a great pity if what [the justice secretary] Ken Clarke has been doing -- finding a better way of sentencing -- was to be undone. If it is, we will be taking a backward, regrettable step.

Meanwhile, the party's home affairs spokesman in the Commons, Tom Brake, questioned the sentences being handed out. He told Newsnight:

Clearly there are cases where offenders who have committed very serious crimes should expect very serious sentences and that is what I expect to happen. But there have been some cases where people who have committed petty offences have received sentences which, if they had committed the same offence the day before the riots, they would not have received a sentence of that nature.

This should be about restorative justice, in other words making people acknowledge the offences they have committed and preferably if the victims want it, actually sit down face to face with the victims so they can hear from the victims the impact they have had, but it should not be about retribution.

The plan to withdrawn benefits has drawn particular discomfort. At a press conference in Whitehall yesterday, Nick Clegg sought to tone down the hardline language used by the Prime Minister:

We are going to take our time to look at this. Of course you need to be proportionate, of course you need to be careful, of course you don't want to create unintended consequences where the taxpayer ends up footing more of the bill or we create more social problems or problems of law and order.

Jenny Willots, the party's welfare spokesman added that "what is currently being proposed is counter-productive", saying "I feel strongly, I don't think we can cut benefits."

Cameron has also suggested controlling social media, for instance by barring individuals suspected of causing unrest from Facebook and Twitter. This is anathema to the party of civil liberties. Evan Harris, the vice-chair of the Liberal Democrats' federal policy committee, has said he will table an amendment at the party's conference asking members to vote to block the measure.

Tessa Munt, the MP for Wells, said the plans were "bonkers, bonkers, bonkers", adding:

Frankly, this all smacks of headline grabbing by Conservatives, not calm, rational policy-making.

It's clear that the consensus among Lib Dems is that the suggestions being thrown around smack of short-term, knee-jerk reactions. It remains to be seen whether they will translate this into real changes to tone down the policies currently on the table.

Samira Shackle is a freelance journalist, who tweets @samirashackle. She was formerly a staff writer for the New Statesman.

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Jeremy Corbyn's Labour conference speech shows how he's grown

The leader's confident address will have impressed even his fiercest foes. 

It is not just Jeremy Corbyn’s mandate that has been improved by his re-election. The Labour leader’s conference speech was, by some distance, the best he has delivered. He spoke with far greater confidence, clarity and energy than previously. From its self-deprecating opening onwards ("Virgin Trains assure me there are 800 empty seats") we saw a leader improved in almost every respect. 

Even Corbyn’s firecest foes will have found less to take issue with than they may have anticipated. He avoided picking a fight on Trident (unlike last year), delivered his most forceful condemnation of anti-Semitism (“an evil”) and, with the exception of the Iraq war, avoided attacks on New Labour’s record. The video which preceded his arrival, and highlighted achievements from the Blair-Brown years, was another olive branch. But deselection, which Corbyn again refused to denounce, will remain a running sore (MPs alleged that Hillsborough campaigner Sheila Coleman, who introduced Corbyn, is seeking to deselect Louise Ellman and backed the rival TUSC last May).

Corbyn is frequently charged with lacking policies. But his lengthy address contained several new ones: the removal of the cap on council borrowing (allowing an extra 60,000 houses to be built), a ban on arms sales to abusive regimes and an arts pupil premium in every primary school.

On policy, Corbyn frequently resembles Ed Miliband in his more radical moments, unrestrained by Ed Balls and other shadow cabinet members. He promised £500bn of infrastructure investment (spread over a decade with £150bn from the private sector), “a real living wage”, the renationalisation of the railways, rent controls and a ban on zero-hours contracts.

Labour’s greatest divisions are not over policy but rules, strategy and culture. Corbyn’s opponents will charge him with doing far too little to appeal to the unconverted - Conservative voters most of all. But he spoke with greater conviction than before of preparing for a general election (acknowledging that Labour faced an arithmetical “mountain”) and successfully delivered the attack lines he has often shunned.

“Even Theresa May gets it, that people want change,” he said. “That’s why she stood on the steps of Downing Street and talked about the inequalities and burning injustices in today’s Britain. She promised a country: ‘that works not for a privileged few but for every one of us’. But even if she manages to talk the talk, she can’t walk the walk. This isn’t a new government, it’s David Cameron’s government repackaged with progressive slogans but with a new harsh right-wing edge, taking the country backwards and dithering before the historic challenges of Brexit.”

After a second landslide victory, Corbyn is, for now, unassailable. Many MPs, having voted no confidence in him, will never serve on the frontbench. But an increasing number, recognising Corbyn’s immovability, speak once again of seeking to “make it work”. For all the ructions of this summer, Corbyn’s speech will have helped to persuade them that they can.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.