The state doesn't need the private sector to be entrepreneurial

It is widely accepted that business is more dynamic -- but in fact, the state is crucial to innovati

The government's economic strategy isn't working. The post-crisis hangover remains, with growth subdued and recovery elusive and there's little on the horizon to stimulate the optimism and confidence needed to kick start the vibrant economy needed to secure sustainable growth and future prosperity. As Keynes claimed, investment is not driven by simple tax cuts but by the much less predictable "animal spirits" of investors, and such spirits are not currently running high.

Why? Current economic policy is based on the false premise that innovation-led growth will only happen if we pull back the role of the state and unleash the power of entrepreneurship in the private sector. This feeds a perceived contrast that is repeatedly drawn by the media, business and libertarian politicians of a dynamic, innovative, competitive private sector versus a sluggish, bureaucratic, inertial, "meddling" public sector. So much so that it is virtually accepted by the public as a "common sense" truth. In the March 2011 Cardiff Spring Forum, the Prime Minister, David Cameron, brought this view to an extreme when he called "bureaucrats in government departments" the "enemies of enterprise".

It is not a view that is unique to the UK government. The Economist, which often refers to the government as a Hobbesian Leviathan, recently argued that government should take the back seat and focus on creating freer markets and the right conditions for new ideas to prosper, rather than taking a more activist approach. In painting this contrast, it is assumed that the private sector is inherently more innovative, able to think "out of the box" and lead a country towards long-run, innovation-led growth.

However, countless examples in the history of innovation reveal a different picture: one of a risk-taking innovative state -- especially in the most uncertain phases of technological development and/or in the most risky sectors -- versus a more inertial private sector which only enters and invests once the state has absorbed most of the uncertainty, before walking off with all the gains. In pharmaceuticals it is the state, through the NIH in the USA or the MRC in the UK, that has funded most of the priority rated new molecular entities (innovative drugs) with private pharma concentrating on slight variations of existing ones ("me too" drugs). From the development of aviation, nuclear energy, computers, the internet, the biotechnology revolution, nanotechnology and green technology today, it has been the state, not the private sector, that has often engaged with the most high-risk entrepreneurial activities, kick-starting and developing the engine of growth.

It has not done so not just by funding basic research, or "fixing" market failures. It has created new markets; formulating a vision of a new area, investing in the earliest-stage research and development, identifying new pathways to market and adjusting rules to promote them, creating networks that bring together business, academia and finance, and being constantly ahead of the game in areas that will drive the next decades of growth. Ironically, although the US economy is often discussed as a market-based system compared to Europe, in fact, the US federal government has been one of the most active agents in creating new sectors and related technologies: it was civil sector workers in the US Department of Defence that dared to think up the internet. The same is true of nanotechnology, where publicly funded scientists convinced both Congress and the business community that nanotechnology was a key sector. The National Nanotechnology Initiative invented the very idea of nanotechnology.

Of course there are plenty of examples of private sector entrepreneurial activity, from the role of new, young companies in providing the dynamism behind new sectors to the important source of funding from private sources like venture capital. But, generally, it is only this story which is told. Silicon Valley or the biotech revolution are usually attributed to the geniuses behind small, high tech firms like Facebook or the plethora of small biotech companies in Boston or Cambridge. How many people know that the algorithm that led to Google's success was funded by a public sector National Science Foundation grant? Or that many of the most innovative, young companies in the US were funded not by private venture capital but by public venture capital (Small Business Innovation Research, SBIR)?

The most successful economy in Europe, Germany, understands the need for an entrepreneurial state. While fiscal expenditure, like elsewhere, has been cut (from €319.5bn last year to €307.4bn this year), the Ministry of Education and Research's budget is rising by 7.2 per cent; which includes €327m for university research excellence alone. Support for research and development at the Federal Economics Ministry is also increasing. The German government is one of the lead spenders on green technology, stimulating business to do the same. Thus, while Angela Merkel wants Greece to reduce state expenditure, in her own country she claims " the prosperity of a country, such as Germany, with its scarce mineral resources, must be sought through investment in research, education and science, and this to a disproportionate degree." China is following in Germany's footsteps, with the Chinese National Sciences Foundation (equivalent to the UK research councils), increasing its budget this year by 17 per cent, which will mean its budget will have doubled from 2009 to 2011. It is this long run growth strategy that should be feared, rather than the usual talk of the flood of low cost Chinese goods.

This is not the time for our public sector to step back. Now, more than ever, we need an assertive, entrepreneurial state, identifying areas for new growth and investing strategically in early stage innovation. Major growth opportunities are there. Green technology is poised to be the next great technological revolution, and being first will really matter, as the global race for pole position is well underway. This is within our grasp, but only if the government makes it a priority and provides that daring, forgiving investment. The Green Investment Bank is a start but it is not enough. Despite the Prime Minister's pledge to lead the UK's "greenest government ever", there is currently no break from the long trend of below-average business R&D in this sector. Under 1 per cent of UK Gross Domestic Product is being invested in green technologies; half of what South Korea currently invests and less than what the UK spends annually on furniture.

Making the right investments means a new philosophy about what the state's role is in the economy. It is not about just creating the right conditions for innovation, but also having the courage to make direct investments that are subject to high failure rates, which the private sector notoriously shies away from. It is the risk associated with new innovations which challenge the status quo that the UK should specialise in, not just risk-management in the financial sector: risk-taking for creative destruction, not for destructive destruction.

Mariana Mazzucato is Professor in the Economics of Innovation at The Open University. Her book, The Entrepreneurial State, is published today.

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Is Scottish Labour on the way back, or heading for civil war?

There are signs of life, but also recriminations.

The extraordinary rise of the Scottish Tories and the collapse in SNP seat numbers grabbed most of the headlines in the recent general election. Less remarked on was the sudden, unexpected exhalation of air that came from what was thought to be the corpse of Scottish Labour.

In 2015, Labour lost 40 of its 41 Scottish seats as the SNP rocketed from six to 56, was wiped out in its Glaswegian heartlands, and looked to have ceded its place as the choice of centre-left voters – perhaps permanently – to the Nationalists. But while the electorate’s convulsion in June against the SNP’s insistence on a second independence referendum most benefited Ruth Davidson, it also served to reanimate Labour.

The six seats grabbed back (making a total of seven) included three in the West of Scotland, proving that the Nat stranglehold on Labour’s territory was not quite as secure as it had seemed. There is, it appears, life in the old dog yet.

Not only that, but the surprise success of Jeremy Corbyn across the UK has stiffened Labour’s spine when it comes to insisting that it, and not the SNP, is the rightful home of Scotland’s socialists.

Corbyn was largely kept south of the border during the election campaign – Kezia Dugdale, the leader at Holyrood, had supported Owen Smith’s leadership challenge. But in August, Corbyn will embark on a five-day tour of marginal SNP constituencies that Labour could potentially take back at the next election. The party has set a target of reclaiming 18 Scottish seats as part of the 64 it needs across Britain to win a majority at Westminster. The trip will focus on traditional areas such as Glasgow and Lanarkshire, where tiny swings would return seats to the People’s Party. Dugdale is no doubt hoping for some reflected glory.

Corbyn will present himself as the authentically left-wing choice, a leader who will increase public spending and invest in public services compared to the austerity of the Tories and the timidity of the SNP. “Labour remains on an election footing as a government-in-waiting, ready to end failed austerity and ensure that Scotland has the resources it needs to provide the public services its people deserve,” he said. “Unlike the SNP and the Tories, Labour will transform our economy through investment, insisting that the true wealth creators - that means all of us – benefit from it.”

The SNP has benefited in recent years from the feeling among many north of the border that Labour and the Tories were committed to differing shades of a similar economic programme, that was starving public services of cash and that paid little attention to Scottish desires or needs. But as the Nats’ spell in government in Edinburgh has worn on, first under Alex Salmond and now Nicola Sturgeon, with little being done to tackle the nation’s social problems, patience has started to run out.

Dugdale said yesterday that she “looked forward to joining Jeremy in August as we take our message to the people of Scotland”. That’s not a sentiment we would have heard from her before June. But it does raise the future spectacle of Davidson’s Tories battling for the centre and centre-right vote and Labour gunning for the left. The SNP, which has tried to be all things to all people, will have to make a choice – boasting that it is “Scotland’s Party” is unlikely to be enough.

The 20th anniversary of the referendum that delivered the Scottish Parliament is almost upon us. Then, Scottish Labour provided the UK and the Westminster government with figures of the stature of Gordon Brown, Robin Cook, Donald Dewar and George Robertson. That was a long time ago, and the decline in quality of Labour’s representatives both in London and Edinburgh since has been marked. The SNP’s decade of success has attracted much of the brightest new talent through its doors. Young Scots still seem to be set on the idea of independence. Labour has a credibility problem that won’t be easily shaken off.

But still, the body has twitched – perhaps it’s even sitting up. Is Scottish Labour on the way back? If so, is that down to the SNP’s declining popularity or to Corbyn’s appeal? And could Dugdale be a convincing frontwoman for a genuinely left-wing agenda?

There may be trouble ahead. Yesterday, the Scottish Labour Campaign for Socialism – whose convener, Neil Findlay MSP, ran Corbyn’s leadership campaign in Scotland – accused Dugdale of “holding Corbyn back” in June. A spokesperson for the group said: “While it’s great we won some seats back, it’s clear that the campaign here failed to deliver. While elsewhere we've seen people being enthused by ‘for the many, not the few’ we concentrated on the dispiriting visionless ‘send Nicola a message’ – and paid a price for that, coming third in votes and seats for the first time in a century. In Scotland we looked more like [former Scottish leader] Jim Murphy’s Labour Party than Jeremy Corbyn’s – and that isn’t a good look.”

While the group insists this isn’t intended as a challenge to Dugdale, that might change if Corbyn receives a rapturous reception in August. We’ll learn then whether Scotland is falling for the high-tax, high-spending pitch that seems to be working so well elsewhere, and whether Scottish Labour has jerked back to life only to find itself staring down the barrel of a civil war.

Chris Deerin is the New Statesman's contributing editor (Scotland).