Red Tory: Gove on his union days

The Education Secretary "was an active striker" at the <em>Press and Journal</em> during its bitter

As teaching unions and the Department for Education go head-to-head over a proposed strike this Thursday, it is worth looking at Michael Gove's past involvement in industrial action. In an interview with the New Statesman in 2010, the education secretary discussed his role in the National Union of Journalist's fight against the Press and Journal in Aberdeen in the late 1980s. Gove's former union activities certainly gives the recent dispute an interesting context.

Gove was a trainee reporter at the Press when the industrial dispute broke out, which, he argues, tied his hands when it came to whether or not he should take part.

"I didn't think the dispute was a good idea. I was against going on strike, but I'd only just arrived. The majority of friends and colleagues felt very strongly about this. I was the new kid. There were people whom I liked and admired who felt they were being mistreated. I had joined the union. I felt that if you were in an organisation, you should generally respect the rules and the quirks of decision-making. I thought it was wrong to go on strike but I didn't feel that the principle was an ignoble one.

Critics have levelled charges of hypocrisy at the Education Secretary. This amusing photo of a young, bespectacled Gove on the picket line adds to that feeling. Gove, however, defends NUJ's strike as it had - he claims - legitimate grievances, something which he appears to think that the teachers lack.

"We weren't striking because we were demanding a massive pay increase at an inappropriate time. There was an issue. The strike ringleaders were victimised. We can argue whether this was provocation on the management's part or the union's naivety. We were all dismissed and it became a very bitter dispute. And in the end most people never worked for Aberdeen Journals again. Some chose to cross the picket line, some were selectively re-employed."

Gove's days as a rabble-rousing, unionised hack are, however, well and truly over. He left the NUJ in 2007 - two years after he entered parliament - because of the union's stance on Israel. "Tory leaves union" is not exactly headline news. But, as Francis Beckett points out in the excellent profile, going on strike for union recognition as a trainee journalist in 1989 "required. . . courage". It is somewhat surprising, then, that Gove has taken such an aggressive stance on the teaching unions. Rather than using his own experiences to try and reach a compromise, Gove has gone in looking for a fight. He'll certainly get one. Whether anyone will win remains to be seen.

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PMQs review: Jeremy Corbyn prompts Tory outrage as he blames Grenfell Tower fire on austerity

To Conservative cries of "shame on you!", the Labour leader warned that "we all pay a price in public safety" for spending cuts.

A fortnight after the Grenfell Tower fire erupted, the tragedy continues to cast a shadow over British politics. Rather than probing Theresa May on the DUP deal, Jeremy Corbyn asked a series of forensic questions on the incident, in which at least 79 people are confirmed to have died.

In the first PMQs of the new parliament, May revealed that the number of buildings that had failed fire safety tests had risen to 120 (a 100 per cent failure rate) and that the cladding used on Grenfell Tower was "non-compliant" with building regulations (Corbyn had asked whether it was "legal").

After several factual questions, the Labour leader rose to his political argument. To cries of "shame on you!" from Tory MPs, he warned that local authority cuts of 40 per cent meant "we all pay a price in public safety". Corbyn added: “What the tragedy of Grenfell Tower has exposed is the disastrous effects of austerity. The disregard for working-class communities, the terrible consequences of deregulation and cutting corners." Corbyn noted that 11,000 firefighters had been cut and that the public sector pay cap (which Labour has tabled a Queen's Speech amendment against) was hindering recruitment. "This disaster must be a wake-up call," he concluded.

But May, who fared better than many expected, had a ready retort. "The cladding of tower blocks did not start under this government, it did not start under the previous coalition governments, the cladding of tower blocks began under the Blair government," she said. “In 2005 it was a Labour government that introduced the regulatory reform fire safety order which changed the requirements to inspect a building on fire safety from the local fire authority to a 'responsible person'." In this regard, however, Corbyn's lack of frontbench experience is a virtue – no action by the last Labour government can be pinned on him. 

Whether or not the Conservatives accept the link between Grenfell and austerity, their reluctance to defend continued cuts shows an awareness of how politically vulnerable they have become (No10 has announced that the public sector pay cap is under review).

Though Tory MP Philip Davies accused May of having an "aversion" to policies "that might be popular with the public" (he demanded the abolition of the 0.7 per cent foreign aid target), there was little dissent from the backbenches – reflecting the new consensus that the Prime Minister is safe (in the absence of an attractive alternative).

And May, whose jokes sometimes fall painfully flat, was able to accuse Corbyn of saying "one thing to the many and another thing to the few" in reference to his alleged Trident comments to Glastonbury festival founder Michael Eavis. But the Labour leader, no longer looking fearfully over his shoulder, displayed his increased authority today. Though the Conservatives may jeer him, the lingering fear in Tory minds is that they and the country are on divergent paths. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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