Red Tory: Gove on his union days

The Education Secretary "was an active striker" at the <em>Press and Journal</em> during its bitter

As teaching unions and the Department for Education go head-to-head over a proposed strike this Thursday, it is worth looking at Michael Gove's past involvement in industrial action. In an interview with the New Statesman in 2010, the education secretary discussed his role in the National Union of Journalist's fight against the Press and Journal in Aberdeen in the late 1980s. Gove's former union activities certainly gives the recent dispute an interesting context.

Gove was a trainee reporter at the Press when the industrial dispute broke out, which, he argues, tied his hands when it came to whether or not he should take part.

"I didn't think the dispute was a good idea. I was against going on strike, but I'd only just arrived. The majority of friends and colleagues felt very strongly about this. I was the new kid. There were people whom I liked and admired who felt they were being mistreated. I had joined the union. I felt that if you were in an organisation, you should generally respect the rules and the quirks of decision-making. I thought it was wrong to go on strike but I didn't feel that the principle was an ignoble one.

Critics have levelled charges of hypocrisy at the Education Secretary. This amusing photo of a young, bespectacled Gove on the picket line adds to that feeling. Gove, however, defends NUJ's strike as it had - he claims - legitimate grievances, something which he appears to think that the teachers lack.

"We weren't striking because we were demanding a massive pay increase at an inappropriate time. There was an issue. The strike ringleaders were victimised. We can argue whether this was provocation on the management's part or the union's naivety. We were all dismissed and it became a very bitter dispute. And in the end most people never worked for Aberdeen Journals again. Some chose to cross the picket line, some were selectively re-employed."

Gove's days as a rabble-rousing, unionised hack are, however, well and truly over. He left the NUJ in 2007 - two years after he entered parliament - because of the union's stance on Israel. "Tory leaves union" is not exactly headline news. But, as Francis Beckett points out in the excellent profile, going on strike for union recognition as a trainee journalist in 1989 "required. . . courage". It is somewhat surprising, then, that Gove has taken such an aggressive stance on the teaching unions. Rather than using his own experiences to try and reach a compromise, Gove has gone in looking for a fight. He'll certainly get one. Whether anyone will win remains to be seen.

Getty
Show Hide image

The most terrifying thing about Donald Trump's speech? What he didn't say

No politician uses official speeches to put across their most controversial ideas. But Donald Trump's are not hard to find. 

As Donald Trump took the podium on a cold Washington day to deliver his inauguration speech, the world held its breath. Viewers hunched over televisions or internet streaming services watched Trump mouth “thank you” to the camera, no doubt wondering how he could possibly live up to his deranged late-night Twitter persona. In newsrooms across America, reporters unsure when they might next get access to a president who seems to delight in denying them the right to ask questions got ready to parse his words for any clue as to what was to come. Some, deciding they couldn’t bear to watch, studiously busied themselves with other things.

But when the moment came, Trump’s speech was uncharacteristically professional – at least compared to his previous performances. The fractured, repetitive grammar that marks many of his off-the-cuff statements was missing, and so, too, were most of his most controversial policy ideas.

Trump told the crowd that his presidency would “determine the course of America, and the world, for many, many years to come” before expressing his gratefulness to President Barack Obama and Michelle Obama for their “gracious aid” during the transition. “They have been magnificent," Trump said, before leading applause of thanks from the crowd.

If this opening was innocent enough, however, it all changed in the next breath. The new president moved quickly to the “historic movement”, “the likes of which the world has never seen before”, that elected him President. Following the small-state rhetoric of his campaign, Trump promised to take power from the “establishment” and restore it to the American people. “This moment," he told them, “Is your moment. It belongs to you.”

A good deal of the speech was given over to re-iterating his nationalist positions while also making repeated references to the key issues – “Islamic terrorism” and families – that remain points of commonality within the fractured Republican GOP.

The loss of business to overseas producers was blamed for “destroying our jobs”. “Protection," Trump said, “Will lead to great strength." He promised to end what he called the “American carnage” caused by drugs and crime.

“From this day forward," Trump said, “It’s going to be only America first."

There was plenty in the speech, then, that should worry viewers, particularly if you read Trump’s promises to make America “unstoppable” so it can “win” again in light of his recent tweets about China

But it was the things Trump didn't mention that should worry us most. Trump, we know, doesn’t use official channels to communicate his most troubling ideas. From bizarre television interviews to his upsetting and offensive rallies and, of course, the infamous tweets, the new President is inclined to fling his thoughts into the world as and when he sees fit, not on the occasions when he’s required to address the nation (see, also, his anodyne acceptance speech).

It’s important to remember that Trump’s administration wins when it makes itself seem as innocent as possible. During the speech, I was reminded of my colleague Helen Lewis’ recent thoughts on the “gaslighter-in-chief”, reflecting on Trump’s lying claim that he never mocked a disabled reporter. “Now we can see," she wrote, “A false narrative being built in real time, tweet by tweet."

Saying things that are untrue isn’t the only way of lying – it is also possible to lie by omission.

There has been much discussion as to whether Trump will soften after he becomes president. All the things this speech did not mention were designed to keep us guessing about many of the President’s most controversial promises.

Trump did not mention his proposed ban on Muslims entering the US, nor the wall he insists he will erect between America and Mexico (which he maintains the latter will pay for). He maintained a polite coolness towards the former President and avoiding any discussion of alleged cuts to anti-domestic violence programs and abortion regulations. Why? Trump wanted to leave viewers unsure as to whether he actually intends to carry through on his election rhetoric.

To understand what Trump is capable of, therefore, it is best not to look to his speeches on a global stage, but to the promises he makes to his allies. So when the President’s personal website still insists he will build a wall, end catch-and-release, suspend immigration from “terror-prone regions” “where adequate screening cannot occur”; when, despite saying he understands only 3 per cent of Planned Parenthood services relate to abortion and that “millions” of women are helped by their cancer screening, he plans to defund Planned Parenthood; when the president says he will remove gun-free zones around schools “on his first day” - believe him.  

Stephanie Boland is digital assistant at the New Statesman. She tweets at @stephanieboland