Osborne has not solved the cost of living crisis

Britain needs convincing ideas about how to ensure that real wages rise.

Stand back from the detail of today's Budget and what we observe is Britain's political class trying – and failing – to respond to the crisis in living standards facing Britain.

They are doing this at the same time as they, of course, seek to outmanoeuvre their political opponents and build support among their friends. One manifestation of this will be the growing tussle over tax cuts, which will increasingly dominate party politics in the years ahead (see tomorrow's NS).

Until there are convincing ideas that resonate with the public on how to ensure that real wages will rise, party leaders will remain in the familiar territory of fighting over tax and benefit changes.

The political need to support living standards and kick-start growth, which greatly outstrips the practical ideas on how these goals can be achieved, resulted in a number of contradictions that ran through today's Budget.

Changes to personal tax – billed as reducing the burden on low-to-middle-income Britain – actually result in by far the biggest gains going to those in the top half of the income distribution. A statement of vaunting ambition about the need to reform and simplify the whole of our tax and National Insurance system immediately gets submerged in a sea of tax wheezes. And the heralding of a new model of growth is fleshed out with a set of micro-measures that will be wearily familiar to anyone who has spent time in Whitehall over the past decade.

There are, naturally, things to welcome. Steady growth in apprenticeships, extra support for science, a helping hand for first-time housebuyers and taxing private jets are all to the good. The extension of mortgage interest support will prove important in a year that is going to see more and more households pushed closer to repossession due to the impending hike in interest rates. And there may be some begrudging acknowledgement from an angry public for the cut in fuel duty.

But the real measure of today's political class will be whether they can develop a compelling account of what really underpins shared growth, in which the gains are more fairly spread across the working population. Without this, all of today's tax tweaks and the associated reform rhetoric will be neither here nor there.

Gavin Kelly is the chief executive of the Resolution Foundation.

Gavin Kelly is chief executive of the Resolution Foundation 

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No, David Cameron’s speech was not “left wing”

Come on, guys.

There is a strange journalistic phenomenon that occurs when a party leader makes a speech. It is a blend of groupthink, relief, utter certainty, and online backslapping. It happened particularly quickly after David Cameron’s speech to Tory party conference today. A few pundits decided that – because he mentioned, like, diversity and social mobility – this was a centre-left speech. A leftwing speech, even. Or at least a clear grab for the liberal centre ground. And so that’s what everyone now believes. The analysis is decided. The commentary is written. Thank God for that.

Really? It’s quite easy, even as one of those nasty, wicked Tories, to mention that you actually don’t much like racism, and point out that you’d quite like poor children to get jobs, without moving onto Labour's "territory". Which normal person is in favour of discriminating against someone on the basis of race, or blocking opportunity on the basis of class? Of course he’s against that. He’s a politician operating in a liberal democracy. And this isn’t Ukip conference.

Looking at the whole package, it was actually quite a rightwing speech. It was a paean to defence – championing drones, protecting Britain from the evils of the world, and getting all excited about “launching the biggest aircraft carriers in our history”.

It was a festival of flagwaving guff about the British “character”, a celebration of shoehorning our history chronologically onto the curriculum, looking towards a “Greater Britain”, asking for more “national pride”. There was even a Bake Off pun.

He also deployed the illiberal device of inculcating a divide-and-rule fear of the “shadow of extremism – hanging over every single one of us”, informing us that children in UK madrassas are having their “heads filled with poison and their hearts filled with hate”, and saying Britain shouldn’t be “overwhelmed” with refugees, before quickly changing the subject to ousting Assad. How unashamedly centrist, of you, Mr Prime Minister.

Benefit cuts and a reduction of tax credits will mean the Prime Minister’s enthusiasm for “equality of opportunity, as opposed to equality of outcome” will be just that – with the outcome pretty bleak for those who end up losing any opportunity that comes with state support. And his excitement about diversity in his cabinet rings a little hollow the day following a tubthumping anti-immigration speech from his Home Secretary.

If this year's Tory conference wins the party votes, it’ll be because of its conservative commitment – not lefty love bombing.

Anoosh Chakelian is deputy web editor at the New Statesman.