Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read pieces from this morning’s papers.

1. Wisconsin is making the battle lines clear in America's hidden class war (Guardian)

The brazen choices of the Republican governor show the real ideology behind the attacks on unions, writes Gary Younge.

2. I can't support the coalition plan for the NHS (Times) (£)

We should oppose the government's untried and disruptive reorganisation of the health service, argues Shirley Williams.

3. Insecurity is fuel for the far right's hate (Guardian)

The political mainstream needs more convincing responses to the far right, says David Miliband.

4. AV was a last gasp from Gordon Brown's bunker – and it's a gigantic fraud (Daily Telegraph)

We would be mad to adopt an electoral system that is less fair than the one we already have, writes Boris Johnson.

5. How can we be so blindly stupid as to sell arms to despots then bleat about democracy? (Daily Mail)

We should never have sold weapons to the appalling Muammar al-Gaddafi, says Stephen Glover.

6. Nobody likes quotas, but they work (Independent)

Good intentions are all very well, but the progress they achieve is achingly slow, writes Mary Ann Sieghart.

7. Female quotas would target the wrong women (Financial Times)

Elsewhere, Lucy Kellaway says that the debate about women's representation shouldn't be about the boardroom at all.

8. The coalition has sneaked a coup on a sleeping public (Guardian)

The government is speeding ahead with its project to remodel British society without any regard for what it told voters last year, writes John Harris.

9. Our young Muslims must see what freedom means to Arabs (Independent)

The Arab spring should inspire the most sullen of our young British Muslims, says Yasmin Alibhai-Brown.

10. No-fly zone will help stop Gaddafi's carnage (Financial Times)

Military options can't be excluded in extreme cases such as Libya, writes Gareth Evans.

How Jim Murphy's mistake cost Labour - and helped make Ruth Davidson

Scottish Labour's former leader's great mistake was to run away from Labour's Scottish referendum, not on it.

The strange revival of Conservative Scotland? Another poll from north of the border, this time from the Times and YouGov, shows the Tories experiencing a revival in Scotland, up to 28 per cent of the vote, enough to net seven extra seats from the SNP.

Adding to the Nationalists’ misery, according to the same poll, they would lose East Dunbartonshire to the Liberal Democrats, reducing their strength in the Commons to a still-formidable 47 seats.

It could be worse than the polls suggest, however. In the elections to the Scottish Parliament last year, parties which backed a No vote in the referendum did better in the first-past-the-post seats than the polls would have suggested – thanks to tactical voting by No voters, who backed whichever party had the best chance of beating the SNP.

The strategic insight of Ruth Davidson, the Conservative leader in Scotland, was to to recast her party as the loudest defender of the Union between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom. She has absorbed large chunks of that vote from the Liberal Democrats and Labour, but, paradoxically, at the Holyrood elections at least, the “Unionist coalition” she assembled helped those parties even though it cost the vote share.

The big thing to watch is not just where the parties of the Union make gains, but where they successfully form strong second-places against whoever the strongest pro-Union party is.

Davidson’s popularity and eye for a good photo opportunity – which came first is an interesting question – mean that the natural benefactor in most places will likely be the Tories.

But it could have been very different. The first politician to hit successfully upon the “last defender of the Union” routine was Ian Murray, the last Labour MP in Scotland, who squeezed both the  Liberal Democrat and Conservative vote in his seat of Edinburgh South.

His then-leader in Scotland, Jim Murphy, had a different idea. He fought the election in 2015 to the SNP’s left, with the slogan of “Whether you’re Yes, or No, the Tories have got to go”.  There were a couple of problems with that approach, as one  former staffer put it: “Firstly, the SNP weren’t going to put the Tories in, and everyone knew it. Secondly, no-one but us wanted to move on [from the referendum]”.

Then again under different leadership, this time under Kezia Dugdale, Scottish Labour once again fought a campaign explicitly to the left of the SNP, promising to increase taxation to blunt cuts devolved from Westminster, and an agnostic position on the referendum. Dugdale said she’d be open to voting to leave the United Kingdom if Britain left the European Union. Senior Scottish Labour figures flirted with the idea that the party might be neutral in a forthcoming election. Once again, the party tried to move on – but no-one else wanted to move on.

How different things might be if instead of running away from their referendum campaign, Jim Murphy had run towards it in 2015. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

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