Tuition fees bill passes with slim majority

Coalition’s majority cut from 84 to just 21.

The result is in: 323 MPs voted in favour of raising the cap on tuition fees from £3,290 to £9,000 a year, with 302 against.

That means the government's majority was slashed from 84 to just 21 – easily the largest rebellion of this parliament.

But, as Vince Cable and others have pointed out, the majority was still four times larger than the one achieved by Tony Blair in the 2004 fees vote.

The Lib Dem rebels

In total, 21 Lib Dem MPs voted against the government, including two former party leaders, Menzies Campbell and Charles Kennedy, and the party president, Tim Farron. Here's the full list:

Annette Brooke (Dorset Mid and Poole North)

Sir Menzies Campbell (Fife North East)

Michael Crockart (Edinburgh West)

Tim Farron (Westmorland and Lonsdale)

Andrew George (St Ives)

Mike Hancock (Portsmouth South)

Julian Huppert (Cambridge)

Charles Kennedy (Ross, Skye and Lochaber)

John Leech (Manchester Withington)

Stephen Lloyd (Eastbourne)

Greg Mulholland (Leeds North-West)

John Pugh (Southport)

Alan Reid (Argyll and Bute)

Dan Rogerson (Cornwall North)

Bob Russell (Colchester)

Adrian Sanders (Torbay)

Ian Swales (Redcar)

Mark Williams (Ceredigion)

Roger Williams (Brecon and Radnorshire)

Jenny Willott (Cardiff Central)

Simon Wright (Norwich South)

Eight Lib Dem MPs abstained, which means they still broke their election pledge to vote against higher fees. They were: Lorely Burt (Solihull), Martin Horwood (Cheltenham), Simon Hughes (Bermondsey and Old Southwark), Chris Huhne (Eastleigh), Tessa Munt (Wells), Sir Robert Smith (Aberdeenshire West and Kincardine), John Thurso (Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross) and Stephen Williams (Bristol West).

It's worth noting that Huhne and Horwood were unable to vote because they were at the Cancún climate-change talks. As a cabinet minister, Huhne would have voted in favour of fees but Horwood was expected to vote against.

The Tory rebels

Six Tory MPs voted against the bill. They were:

Philip Davies (Shipley)

David Davis (Haltemprice and Howden)

Julian Lewis (New Forest East)

Jason McCartney (Colne Valley)

Andrew Percy (Brigg and Goole)

Mark Reckless (Rochester and Strood)

It's notable that none of the three Tory MPs (Ben Wallace, Lee Scott and Bob Blackman) who signed the NUS pledge to vote against higher fees kept his promise.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.