Is the coalition reneging on its promise to end child detention?

Damian Green appears to water down the pledge, saying that child detention will be “minimised”.

It seems that the coalition government is watering down its pledge to end the detention of children in UK immigration centres.

As the Guardian reports, the immigration minister Damian Green said, in response to a question about the long-term future of the Yarl's Wood detention centre in Bedfordshire:

At the moment, we are looking at alternatives to detention for children . . . It is our intention to minimise the detention of children in the future as a whole.

One thousand children were detained in the UK last year while their families awaited removal. In a speech in June, Nick Clegg condemned the practice as "state-sponsored cruelty" and a "moral outrage", saying that we need to "restore a sense of decency and liberty to the way we conduct ourselves".

The inclusion of the policy in the coalition agreement was seen as a big concession to the Liberal Democrats, particularly given the generally anti-immigration stance of the Conservatives (as I noted during the election campaign, David Cameron persistently conflated illegal immigrants and asylum-seekers during the leadership debates). If the policy were to be watered down, that could pose significant problems within the coalition.

Green later said that the policy of ending child detention "remains". A Home Office statement confirmed this, saying:

Significant progress has been made in working towards the commitment to end child detention for immigration purposes and we are currently piloting some proposed changes to our approach developed with partners.

What form these methods might take is another contentious area. It was revealed last month that one way of ending child detention would be speeded-up deportation -- a strategy hardly in keeping with minimising the impact on the child.

Immigration detention is intensely traumatising, even for adults: many of these people are asylum-seekers fleeing conflict or torture, and are suffering from post-traumatic stress that is aggravated when they are locked up like criminals. For a child, the impact can be hugely damaging.

A report this month by Medical Justice lays bare the psychological effects this can have on children. It makes for difficult reading: the children surveyed display symptoms from bed-wetting and persistent crying to self-harm. It is imperative that the government stick to its word, and take steps to end this brutal practice as soon as possible, not just "minimise" it.

Samira Shackle is a freelance journalist, who tweets @samirashackle. She was formerly a staff writer for the New Statesman.

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Jeremy Corbyn's Labour conference speech shows how he's grown

The leader's confident address will have impressed even his fiercest foes. 

It is not just Jeremy Corbyn’s mandate that has been improved by his re-election. The Labour leader’s conference speech was, by some distance, the best he has delivered. He spoke with far greater confidence, clarity and energy than previously. From its self-deprecating opening onwards ("Virgin Trains assure me there are 800 empty seats") we saw a leader improved in almost every respect. 

Even Corbyn’s firecest foes will have found less to take issue with than they may have anticipated. He avoided picking a fight on Trident (unlike last year), delivered his most forceful condemnation of anti-Semitism (“an evil”) and, with the exception of the Iraq war, avoided attacks on New Labour’s record. The video which preceded his arrival, and highlighted achievements from the Blair-Brown years, was another olive branch. But deselection, which Corbyn again refused to denounce, will remain a running sore (MPs alleged that Hillsborough campaigner Sheila Coleman, who introduced Corbyn, is seeking to deselect Louise Ellman and backed the rival TUSC last May).

Corbyn is frequently charged with lacking policies. But his lengthy address contained several new ones: the removal of the cap on council borrowing (allowing an extra 60,000 houses to be built), a ban on arms sales to abusive regimes and an arts pupil premium in every primary school.

On policy, Corbyn frequently resembles Ed Miliband in his more radical moments, unrestrained by Ed Balls and other shadow cabinet members. He promised £500bn of infrastructure investment (spread over a decade with £150bn from the private sector), “a real living wage”, the renationalisation of the railways, rent controls and a ban on zero-hours contracts.

Labour’s greatest divisions are not over policy but rules, strategy and culture. Corbyn’s opponents will charge him with doing far too little to appeal to the unconverted - Conservative voters most of all. But he spoke with greater conviction than before of preparing for a general election (acknowledging that Labour faced an arithmetical “mountain”) and successfully delivered the attack lines he has often shunned.

“Even Theresa May gets it, that people want change,” he said. “That’s why she stood on the steps of Downing Street and talked about the inequalities and burning injustices in today’s Britain. She promised a country: ‘that works not for a privileged few but for every one of us’. But even if she manages to talk the talk, she can’t walk the walk. This isn’t a new government, it’s David Cameron’s government repackaged with progressive slogans but with a new harsh right-wing edge, taking the country backwards and dithering before the historic challenges of Brexit.”

After a second landslide victory, Corbyn is, for now, unassailable. Many MPs, having voted no confidence in him, will never serve on the frontbench. But an increasing number, recognising Corbyn’s immovability, speak once again of seeking to “make it work”. For all the ructions of this summer, Corbyn’s speech will have helped to persuade them that they can.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.