Fabian Society hustings: are you a socialist?

The five candidates for the Labour leadership were grilled on their definitions of socialism and the

Are you now, or have you ever been, a socialist? The Labour leadership candidates all pleaded guilty to quietly harbouring ideological convictions when asked what socialism meant to them, though they may well have anticipated some inquiry of a philosophical kind given that last night's hustings event at the Institute of Education in London was organised by the Fabian Society in partnership with a "broad front of the mind" (namely Progress, Compass, LabourList, Left Foot Forward and the Young Fabians).

Only David Miliband hinted that the question offered an old shibboleth, before showing that he was prepared to genuflect before it anyway in being "happy to sign up to" the assertion that "Labour is a democratic socialist party", a statement left in new Labour's new Clause Four in 1995.

This was clearly judged not quite the moment for Miliband the Elder to identify social democracy as the main live ideological strand of the socialist traditions, and to stake his claim that its political future now depends on a plural progressive fusion with the liberal tradition. Perhaps there will be other occasions and platforms for that argument, but a leadership hustings wasn't the place.

Miliband the Younger struck a Compassite note in arguing that socialism was about a critique of capitalism, or it was nothing: "being a socialist for me is about being willing to criticise capitalism and the injustices it creates". There is a significant difference of tone and rhetoric here, though "It is not about abolishing capitalism, but it is about changing it" was also essentially an argument for social-democratic reform, proposed as the viable means to meet socialist ends.

Andy Burnham quoted a popular socialist, saying that Billy Bragg's line "I've got a socialism of the heart" was the ethical socialist tradition rooted in the idea of community. For Burnham, socialism is about looking out for each other -- his best line of the night had been: "All of the things we criticise in the American health system are present in the way we fund care for older people in this country." But reciprocity has a hard edge in demanding a contribution, too: "Everybody looks out for each other, and everybody who is able to does their bit and makes a contribution."

Ed Balls wanted to make clear that he had been taking flak long before the contest for declaring himself "proud to be a democratic socialist" -- in the New Statesman, no less, during the New Labour high tide. The distinctive idea was collectivism in breaking down barriers.

But the substantive shift in "party ideology after New Labour" was not demonstrated by how they dealt with the S-word. That was a question Tony Blair could answer, too: hyphenating social-ism to argue it is essentially a "we're in this together" creed. (Indeed, Blair devoted a very short Fabian pamphlet to fleshing that thought out.)

What Blair the Social-ist had been unable to say, interviewed by Jeremy Paxman during the 2001 election, was that narrowing the gap between rich and poor mattered. Each of the "next-generation New Labour" candidates found ways to directly reference and reject his approach to what became known as "the David Beckham question", showing that Diane Abbott's claim that "there was a period when it seemed as though equality was a dirty word in the party" was now about the New Labour past and not the future.

Ed Miliband stated clearly: "It must be a central objective of policy to narrow the gap between rich and poor. It is so hard to do, that unless you make it a central objective, it isn't going to happen."

Ed Balls repudiated Mandelsonism, too, stating: "We aren't intensely relaxed about the filthy rich and it is important we say that." However, he wanted to stress the important commitments the previous government had made on redistribution and poverty, while attacking its "pandering" on inheritance tax in 2007 as a major political mistake.

"The gap does matter: it is not just about the floor, it is about inequality, too," said David Miliband, wanting to give equal priority to inequalities of wealth and power. As did Andy Burnham, who spoke about his background having informed his belief in a society where "health, wealth and life chances were more equal", presenting this as his defining mission and the cause of the party.

So Labour is clearly once again a pro-equality party. Yet, on the socialism question, it was Diane Abbott of the Campaign Group who suggested that a commitment to socialism need not be rooted in an intellectual framework.

"I am a socialist. What's it about? Well, I've never been a special adviser, I'm not an intellectual. For me, it's about: if you draw a line in the sand, what side are you on? If you come from a minority working-class background, you are acutely aware of what it is to feel marginalised in society. I've always chosen to stand with the voiceless and the powerless."

That hint of disdain for the usefulness of ideological speculation may be a rather more authentic Labourist tradition than any theory of socialism has ever been (the trade unions would never have founded the party if it had really wanted to be a socialist one).

The Fabian intellectual G D H Cole had written, somewhat approvingly, of Labour having a "socialism so undefined in its doctrinal basis as to make recruits readily among people of different types".

With the candidate of the left suggesting she was the least interested in the question of ideology, Cole's description of Labour as "a broad movement on behalf of the bottom dog" would seem to be the idea of socialism around which all five leadership candidates can easily converge.

Sunder Katwala is director of British Future and former general secretary of the Fabian Society.

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This is no time for a coup against a successful Labour leader

Don't blame Jeremy Corbyn for the Labour Party's crisis.

"The people who are sovereign in our party are the members," said John McDonnell this morning. As the coup against Jeremy Corbyn gains pace, the Shadow Chancellor has been talking a lot of sense. "It is time for people to come together to work in the interest of the country," he told Peston on Sunday, while emphasising that people will quickly lose trust in politics altogether if this internal squabbling continues. 

The Tory party is in complete disarray. Just days ago, the first Tory leader in 23 years to win a majority for his party was forced to resign from Government after just over a year in charge. We have some form of caretaker Government. Those who led the Brexit campaign now have no idea what to do. 

It is disappointing that a handful of Labour parliamentarians have decided to join in with the disintegration of British politics.

The Labour Party had the opportunity to keep its head while all about it lost theirs. It could have positioned itself as a credible alternative to a broken Government and a Tory party in chaos. Instead we have been left with a pathetic attempt to overturn the democratic will of the membership. 

But this has been coming for some time. In my opinion it has very little to do with the ramifications of the referendum result. Jeremy Corbyn was asked to do two things throughout the campaign: first, get Labour voters to side with Remain, and second, get young people to do the same.

Nearly seven in ten Labour supporters backed Remain. Young voters supported Remain by a 4:1 margin. This is about much more than an allegedly half-hearted referendum performance.

The Parliamentary Labour Party has failed to come to terms with Jeremy Corbyn’s emphatic victory. In September of last year he was elected with 59.5 per cent of the vote, some 170,000 ahead of his closest rival. It is a fact worth repeating. If another Labour leadership election were to be called I would expect Jeremy Corbyn to win by a similar margin.

In the recent local elections Jeremy managed to increase Labour’s share of the national vote on the 2015 general election. They said he would lose every by-election. He has won them emphatically. Time and time again Jeremy has exceeded expectation while also having to deal with an embittered wing within his own party.

This is no time for a leadership coup. I am dumbfounded by the attempt to remove Jeremy. The only thing that will come out of this attempted coup is another leadership election that Jeremy will win. Those opposed to him will then find themselves back at square one. Such moves only hurt Labour’s electoral chances. Labour could be offering an ambitious plan to the country concerning our current relationship with Europe, if opponents of Jeremy Corbyn hadn't decided to drop a nuke on the party.

This is a crisis Jeremy should take no responsibility for. The "bitterites" will try and they will fail. Corbyn may face a crisis of confidence. But it's the handful of rebel Labour MPs that have forced the party into a crisis of existence.

Liam Young is a commentator for the IndependentNew Statesman, Mirror and others.