Election results: as they come out

Who has won -- or lost -- in each constituency.

Our rolling guide to the results as they come in. A party needs to win 326 seats for a Commons majority.

Labour

Number of seats won so far: 110

1. Houghton and Sunderland South (Bridget Phillipson, with 50 per cent of the votes. This seat saw an 8.4 per cent swing from Labour to the Conservatives)

2. Washington and Sunderland West (Sharon Hodgson, with 53 per cent of the vote. This was a swing of 11.6 per cent from Labour to the Conservatives)

3. Sunderland Central (Julie Elliott, with 45.9 per cent of the vote. This was a swing of 4.8 per cent from Labour to the Conservatives)

4. Darlington (Jenny Chapman. Labour held on to the seat, but with a swing of 9.1 per cent from Labour to Conservative)

5. Durham North (Kevan Jones. A similar picture to Darlington, with an 8.9 per cent swing from Labour to the Tories)

6. Motherwell and Whishaw (Frank Roy)

7. Yynys Môn (Albert Owen)

8. Sedgefield (Phil Wilson)

9. Rutherglen and Hamilton West (Tom Greatrex)

10. East Kilbride, Strathaven and Lesmahagow (Michael McCann)

11. Easington (Grahame Morris)

12. Vale of Clywd (Chris Ruane)

13. Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath (Gordon Brown)

14. Middlesbrough (Stuart Bell)

15. Telford (David Wright)

16. Islwyn (Christopher Evans)

17. Llanelli (Nia Griffith)

18. Lanark and Hamilton East (Jim Hood)

19. Tooting (Sadiq Khan)

20. Dundee West (Jim McGovern)

21. Glenrothes (Lindsay Roy)

22. Blaenau Gwent (Nick Smith)

23. Coatbridge (Tom Clarke)

24. Gedling (Vernon Coaker)

25. Falkrik (Eric Joyce)

26. Exeter (Ben Bradshaw)

27. Newport East

28. Barnsley Central (Eric Illsley)

29. Inverclyde

30. Ogmore

31. Halton

32. Dunfermline and Fife West

33. Derbyshire North-East

34. Bolton North-East

35. Airdrie and Shotts

36. Merthyr Tydfil and Rhymney (Dai Harvard)

37. Clwyd South

38. Cumbernauld

39. Midlothian

40. Neath

41. Stockton North

42. Linlinthgow and Falkirk East

43. Durham North-West

44. City of Durham

45. Nottingham North

46. East Kilbride Strathaven

47. Caerphilly

48. Hull West and Hessle (Alan Johnson)

49. Renfrewshire East (Jim Murphy)

50. Blackpool South (Doreen Holt)

51. Derbyshire North-East (Richard Bull)

52. Workington

53. Newport West

54. Dunbartonshire West

55. Hartlepool

56. Nottingham North

57. Barnsley East

58. Hull East

59. Cardiff South

60. Strangford

61. Luton North

62. Bolton South-East

63. Broxtowe

64. Rother Valley

65. Doncaster North (Ed Miliband)

66. Wentworth and Dearne

67. Stoke-on-Trent North

68. Aberdeen North

69. Bolsolver

70. Edinburgh South-West (Alistair Darling)

71. Glasgow North-West

72. Glasgow North-East

73. Doncaster General

74. Edinburgh North

75. Nottingham East

76. Luton North

77. Birmingham Ladywood

78. Wentworth and Dearne

79. Newcastle-upon-Tyne Central

80. Oxford East

81. Ayrshire Central

82. Rotherham

83. Cardiff West

84. Dumfries and Galloway

85. Torfaen

86. Makerfield

87. Pontypridd

88. Rhondda

89. Jarrow

90. Knowsley

91. Warley

92. West Bromwich East

93. Derby North

94. Wigan

95. Edmonton

96. Great Grimsby

97. Ochil and South Perthshire

98. Hyndburn

99. Barrow and Furness

100. Preston

101. West Bromwich West

102. Ashfield

103. Birmingham Northfield

104. Middlesbrough South

105. Worsley and Eccles South

106. Luton South

107. Leigh

108. Westminster North

109. Islington South

110. Leeds North-East

111. Morley and Outwood

Conservatives

Number of seats won so far: 124

1. Kingswood (Chris Skidmore. Won the seat from Labour, with a swing of 9.4 per cent)

2. Putney (Justine Greening. A swing of 9.9 per cent from Labour to the Tories)

3. Basildon South (Stephen Metcalfe)

4. Broxbourne (Charles Walker)

5. Rushcliffe (Ken Clarke)

6. The Wrekin (Mark Pritchard)

7. Christchurch (Christopher Chope)

8. Guildford (Anne Milton)

9. Sevenoaks (Michael Fallon)

10. Newbury (Richard Benyon)

11. Bedfordshire South-West (Andrew Selous)

12. Staffordshire Moorlands (Karen Bradley)

13. Clacton (Douglas Carswell)

14. Battersea (Jane Ellison)

15. Loughborough

16. Havant

17. Canterbury

18. Dorset West (Oliver Letwin)

19. Tunbridge Wells

20. Suffolk Central and Ipswich North

21. Vale of Glamorgan

22. Charnwood

23. Castle Point

24. Devon East

25. Montgomeryshire

26. Spelthorne

27. Nuneaton

28. Braintree

29. Stafford

30. Folkestone and Hythe

31. Chester

32. Burton

33. Totnes

34. Yorkshire East

35. Suffolk East

36. Beverley

37. Wyre and Preston North

38. Thanet North

39. Weston-super-Mare

40. Grantham

41. Suffolk Coastal

42. Boston and Skegness

43. Spelthorne

44. Bosworth

45. Eddisbury

46. Witney

47. Swindon North

48. Mid-Bedfordshire

49. Bournemouth East

50. Suffolk West

51. Witham

52. Erewash

53. Surrey East

54. Pendle

55. Dover

56. Tiverton and Honiton

57. Louth and Horncastle

58. Clwyd West

59. Henley

60. Runnymede and Weybridge

61. Hampshire East

62. Worcestershire West

63. Bournemouth West

64. Harlow

67. Wycombe

68. Thanet South

69. Bexhill and Battle

70. Wellingborough

71. Bedfordshire North-East

72. Suffolk South

73. Newton Abbot

74. Dartford

75. Welwyn Hatfield

76. Derbyshire Dales

77. Wantage

78. Bognor Regis

79. Crewe and Nantwich

80. Epsom and Ewell

81. Lincoln

82. Bedford

83. Maldon

84. Surrey Heath

85. Epping Forest

86. Reigate

87. Bury St Edmunds

88. Richmond (Yorks)

89. Ashford

90. Newark

91. Lincoln

92. Bournemouth East

93. Hastings and Rye

94. Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale

95. Forest of Dean

96. Brentwood

97. Gainsborough

98. Romsey and Southampton North

99. Ludlow

100. New Forest West

101. Peterborough

102. Stratford-upon-Avon

103. Macclesfield

104. Wyre Forest

105. Burton

106. The Cotswolds

107. Mid-Derbyshire

108. Hereford South

109. Northamptonshire South

110. St Albans

111. Wiltshire North

112. Tonbrige and Malling

113. Dudley South

114. Haltemprice and Howden

115. Preseli Pembrokeshire

116. Stroud

117. Swindon South

118. Windsor

119. Brigg and Goole

120. Corby

121. Northampton South

122. Redditch

123. Southend West

124. Great Yarmouth

Liberal Democrats

Number of seats won so far: 27

1. Thornbury and Yate (Steve Webb, with a 4.3 per cent swing from Lib Dem to Conservative)

2. Torbay (Adrian Sunders, Lib Dem deputy chief whip, held on to his seat with 47 per cent of the vote. There was a slight swing of 1.1 per cent swing to the Conservatives)

3. Fife North-East (Menzies Campbell)

4. Yeovil (David Laws)

5. Eastbourne (Stephen Lloyd)

6. Somerton and Frome

7. Eastleigh (Chris Huhne)

8. Taunton

9. Lewes

10. Dunbartonshire East

11. Cardiff Central

12. Burnley

13. Devon North

14. Edinburgh West

15. Ceredigion

16. Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross

17. Bath

18. Berwickshire

19. Brecon and Radnorshire

20. Bristol West

21. Southport

22. Norfolk North

23. Aberdeen West

24. Carshalton

25. Inverness

26. Colchester

27. Norwich South

Democratic Unionist Party

Number of seats won so far: 3

1. North Antrim (Ian Paisley Jr, with 46.4 per cent of the vote)

2. Lagan Valley (Jeffrey Donaldson)

3. East Antrim (Sammy Wilson)

Sinn Fein

Number of seats won so far: 3

1. West Tyrone (Pat Doherty with 48.4 per cent of the vote. Swing of 3.8 per cent from the Democratic Unionist Party to Sinn Fein)

2. Belfast West (Gerry Adams)

3. Mid-Ulster

The Alliance Party

Number of seats won so far: 1

1. Belfast East

Plaid Cyrmu

Number of seats won so far: 1

1. Arfon

Scottish National Party

Number of seats won so far: 2

1. Angus (Mike Weir)

2. Dundee East (Stewart Hosie)

Social Democratic Labour Party

Number of seats won so far: 1

1. Belfast South (Alasdair McDonnell)

2. South Down

Independents

Number of seats won so far: 1

1. North Down (Sylvia Hermon)

Photo: Getty
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On the important issues, Louise Casey all too often has little to say

Far from moving the debate on, this new report on integration adds little to the report I commissioned in 2001. 

For 15 years, “numerous government reports on community cohesion and integration have not been implemented with enough force or consistency” concludes Louise Casey’s review of  integration.  The government’s lukewarm response suggests their effort will be as “diluted and muddled” as all the rest.

There’s a deeper reason why governments shy away from the measures that are needed. The report's wealth of data sets out a stark if sometimes contestable picture of a divided society.  But no amount of data can really bring the lives of our fellow citizens to life. As the Brexit vote underlined, this is now a nation divided by class, geography, education, wealth, opportunity and race. Those divisions colour the way we live our lives, the way we see problems in society, the relations we have with others, and our political choices. The report, like many before it, stops short of setting out that reality. It’s easier to pretend that most of us pretty much agree on most things; but just few people don’t agree and they must be the problem. Predictably, much of the early coverage has focussed on the Muslim community and new migrants. If only it were so easy.

According to Casey “in this country, we take poverty, social exclusion, social justice and social mobility seriously” and we do it “across political divides”. Apparently “creating a fair, just society where everyone can prosper and get on” is a cornerstone of British values. Yet for page after page the report chronicles the serial failure of this benign consensus to tackle educational under-performance, and economic and racial disadvantage. If we all agree, how come we haven't done anything about it?

These problems are not certainly easy to solve, but more lip service is paid to tackling them than effort. The practical material issues documented here need addressing, but punches are pulled when hard answers are needed. Given the dramatic impact of mass migration on cohesion, is integration possible while current rates of immigration persist? Can we find the political will to tackle poverty and disadvantage when those who might benefit from the effort are divided against each other by suspicion, race, geography and values? After all, rather than progressive policies producing a cohesive society, social unity is the precondition for the introduction of progressive policies.

We don't actually actually agree on what our “fundamental values” mean in practice. We can all sign up to democracy and the rule of law, but as soon as those are put into practice – see the court case on Article 50 – we are divided. When judges are popularly seen as “enemies of the people” and a vote in an elected parliament as a threat to democracy, in what sense are law and democracy fundamental?

Casey usefully highlights how treating homeless families equally, irrespective of ethnicity and length of residence can create the perception that minorities are being favoured over long standing residents. Our differing views on what is “just” and how “fairness” are defined can tear us apart. Is it fair to favour the newcomer over the indigenous? Is it just to put length of time on the waiting list above housing need? We often don't even acknowledge the legitimacy of other points of view, let alone try to find common ground.

The continual invocation of Britain and British values lends an air of unreality to the report.  Most people in England include British in their identity, but Englishness and English interests are of growing importance. In a worrying development, some areas of England  may be polarising between a white Englishness and an ethnic minority Britishness. Integration won't happen without a shared national story that combines a unifying national identity with the acceptance that we all have more than one identity that matters to us. Ignoring the reality of complex and multiple identities closes off one essential way forward.

None of this means that the criticism of some reactionary and occasionally dangerous ideas and practices in the Muslim community should be ignored and not confronted. But in a country where the established church opposes homosexual relationships and praise for Vladimir Putin's Russia is now mainstream politics it is hard to believe that all our problems can be reduced to the behaviour of a minority of a minority community.

John Denham was a Labour MP from 1992 to 2015, and a Secretary of State 2007 to 2010. He is Director of the Centre for English Identity and Politics at Winchester University