CommentPlus: pick of the papers

The ten must-read pieces from this morning’s papers.

1. Gove's claim to be "freeing" schools is a cloak for more control from the centre (Guardian)

This dreary abuse of local democracy was tried by Thatcher and Blair. But, says Simon Jenkins, all people want is fair access to a good school nearby.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

2. And so, Cameron's first victims are . . . (Independent)

Johann Hari argues that the Tories' cuts target the unemployed, poor kids, children in care, the elderly, the disabled and any feeble little steps we were making towards a low-carbon economy.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

3. Useless, jobless men -- the social blight of our age (Times)

Camilla Cavendish discusses the culture of dependency on benefits, arguing that the welfare system has produced an emasculated generation that can find neither work nor wife. Welfare has entrenched poverty.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

4. Spare Britain the policy hairshirt (Financial Times)

The OECD says the only big risk is a loss of fiscal and monetary "credibility". It is not, says Martin Wolf. The far greater risk is that the economy flounders for years. If that happened, eliminating the deficit would be very hard.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

5. Labour will be tempted. But this is no way to break the coalition (Guardian)

Labour will soon face a historic choice on the electoral reform vote, says Martin Kettle. The party does not have a good record of advancing its own strategic interests, but its wisest strategy will be to back the Yes campaign.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

6. Bad laws are putting prostitutes' lives in danger (Times)

Alan White argues that it is impossible to stop sex being sold on the street, so we must protect those who do it. Legalisation is not necessarily the solution to addicted street-workers, but better police practice might be.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

7. Merkel has joined Thatcher in Europe's corner shop (Financial Times)

If Germany succumbs fully to the British disease of calculating the value of European Union membership on an abacus, the whole project is doomed, warns Philip Stephens.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

8. North Korea -- the great unknown (Independent)

The world's last Stalinist regime is once again on the brink of conflict. What does North Korea hope to achieve by such posturing? We just can't know, says Rupert Cornwell.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

9. The real cost of cheap oil (Guardian)

John Vidal points out that the Gulf disaster is unusual only for having happened so near the US. Elsewhere, Big Oil rarely cleans up its mess. More than anything else, the industry dreads being made fully accountable to developing countries for the damage it has wreaked.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

10. BP shows the need for a rethink of regulation (Financial Times)

One thing is certain, writes David Scheffer: corporate self-regulation and public oversight have failed. We need to rethink how commercial firms operate in such a fragile world.

Read the CommentPlus summary.

Special offer: get 12 issues of the New Statesman for just £5.99 plus a free copy of "Liberty in the Age of Terror" by A C Grayling.

Getty
Show Hide image

When Theresa May speaks, why don’t we listen?

Not many Prime Ministers have to repeat themselves three times. 

Theresa May is the candidate of Brexit and market panic. She ascended to the highest office because, in the fraught weeks after Britain’s vote to leave the European Union, she represented a safe haven for nervous Conservative MPs, the dependable family mutual that remained open while all along the Conservative high street, her rivals were shutting up shop.

Her popularity, as revealed in high poll ratings outside Westminster, too, owes itself to the perception that she is a serious politician in serious times, happily installed atop the ship of state to guide it through the rocky waters of Brexit negotiations.

May’s premiership has been defined by market panics of a different kind, however. The first is in the currency markets, where sterling takes a tumble whenever she pronounces on Britain’s future relationship with the European Union, falling both after her conference speech on 2 October and after her start-of-the-year interview with Sophy Ridge on 8 January. The second is in the opinion pages, where May’s stock oscillates wildly from bullish to bearish.

In the first months of May’s government, she was hailed as an Anglo-Saxon counterpart to Angela Merkel: a solid centre-right Christian democrat who would usher in a decade of conservative hegemony. More recently, she has been compared to Gordon Brown because of her perceived indecisiveness and repeatedly accused of failing to spell out what, exactly, her government’s Brexit objectives are.

In a symbol of the splits on the right between the Brexiteers and Remainers, the Economist, that bible of free-market globalisation and usually a reliable tastemaker as far as Westminster groupthink is concerned, began 2017 by dubbing the Prime Minister “Theresa Maybe”. Though May’s Downing Street is less concerned with the minutiae of what goes on in the public press than David Cameron’s, the contention that she is indecisive was a source of frustration.

There is an element of truth in the claim that May still views the world through a “Home Office lens”. One senior minister complains that Downing Street considers the Ministry of Justice as a “rogue outpost” of May’s old stomping ground, rather than a fully fledged department with its own interests and perspectives.

Yet even the most authoritarian of home secretaries would struggle to secure a conviction against May on the charge of opacity as far as her Brexit approach is concerned. She has hit the same grace notes with the reliability of a professional musician: Brexit means freedom from the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice and control over Britain’s borders, two objectives that can only be achieved as a result of Britain’s exit not only from the EU but also the single market. This was confirmed on 17 January in the Prime Minister’s Lancaster House speech in London.

David Cameron used to say that he would never have “a people”. Certainly, there is no Cameroon tendency in the country at large to match the generation of council house residents that became homeowners and lifelong Conservatives because of Margaret Thatcher and Right to Buy. However, there is, unquestionably, a Cameroon people or faction to be found at almost every rung of London’s financial services sector or at editorial meetings of the Economist, though it as at the Times and the Sun where the treatment of May is at its most noticably rougher than in the Cameron era. 

Michael Gove, her old rival, is not only employed as a columnist by the Times; he enjoys the confidence and admiration of Rupert Murdoch. That the Times secured the first British interview with Donald Trump was a coup for Murdoch, an old associate of the president-elect, and for Gove, who conducted it. It left May in the unlovely position of making history as the first prime minister to be scooped to a first meeting with a new American president by a sitting MP in modern times. It also attested to a source of frustration among May’s allies that she is, for all her undoubted popularity, still ignored or doubted by much of the right-wing establishment.

That condescension partly explains why her words are often listened to briefly, acted on hastily and swiftly forgotten, hence the pound’s cycle of falling when she makes an intervention on Brexit and rising shortly thereafter. The Lancaster House speech was designed to break this pattern. Downing Street briefed the most potent paragraphs at the weekend so that the markets could absorb what she would say before she said it.

As a result, the pound rallied as May delivered her speech, which contained a commitment to a transitional deal that would come into effect after Britain has left the EU. Some financiers believe this arrangement could become permanent, which once again demonstrates how much they underestimate May’s ability to enforce her will.

Being underestimated by Cameron’s people, in Westminster and the City, has the unintended effect of shoring up Theresa May’s position. A prolonged and sustained bout of panic would increase the pressure for a soft landing, but its absence makes it harder for Labour to oppose her effectively, although it has largely acquiesced to the Tory plan for Brexit, at least as far as membership of the single market is concerned. 

Yet for all the plaudits that the Prime Minister’s Lancaster House speech attracted, for all her undoubted popularity in the country, she is in the anomalous position of being a Conservative Prime Minister who has priorities on the European stage other than the preservation of the City of London and to whom Rupert Murdoch is not a natural ally.

As such, she may find that her deadlier enemies come from the right.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.