Mandelson begins to spin his way out of defeat

The Business Secretary suggests making Cameron PM would be a kind of victory for New Labour.

Regardless of the outcome of this election, Peter Mandelson is already trying to spin his way out of defeat. Here's what the silver-tongued First Secretary recently told the NS editor, Jason Cowley:

The point about the Conservatives is that they believe they cannot win an election by running against New Labour. They are for the political landscape that we have created.

The whole point of Cameron's Conservatives is to market his party in a way that leads people to believe they've put their past behind them, that they're a continuum of New Labour.

They are not, as it happens. But the fact that they feel they can only win power by marketing themselves in that way says a lot about the strength of New Labour.

You'll be able to read more from Mandelson in Jason's interview with Gordon Brown for this week's magazine (out tomorrow).

As he writes, it does seem like an attempt by Mandelson "to claim a kind of victory even in defeat". He speaks with the pride of a teacher whose textbook (The Blair Revolution Revisited) has been eagerly devoured, even if not all of the lessons have been learned.

Yet key figures on Labour's centre left, such as Jon Cruddas, argue that the similarities between Cameron's Conservatives and New Labour represent a defeat, not a victory for the party. It is because Labour has been insufficiently bold that the Tories have succeeded in masquerading as progressive, even while pledging to cut taxes for millionaires.

We can expect this division, between those who feel flattered and those who feel enraged by Cameron's rise, to be at the centre of any future Labour leadership contest.

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George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Theresa May is paying the price for mismanaging Boris Johnson

The Foreign Secretary's bruised ego may end up destroying Theresa May. 

And to think that Theresa May scheduled her big speech for this Friday to make sure that Conservative party conference wouldn’t be dominated by the matter of Brexit. Now, thanks to Boris Johnson, it won’t just be her conference, but Labour’s, which is overshadowed by Brexit in general and Tory in-fighting in particular. (One imagines that the Labour leadership will find a way to cope somehow.)

May is paying the price for mismanaging Johnson during her period of political hegemony after she became leader. After he was betrayed by Michael Gove and lacking any particular faction in the parliamentary party, she brought him back from the brink of political death by making him Foreign Secretary, but also used her strength and his weakness to shrink his empire.

The Foreign Office had its responsibility for negotiating Brexit hived off to the newly-created Department for Exiting the European Union (Dexeu) and for navigating post-Brexit trade deals to the Department of International Trade. Johnson was given control of one of the great offices of state, but with no responsibility at all for the greatest foreign policy challenge since the Second World War.

Adding to his discomfort, the new Foreign Secretary was regularly the subject of jokes from the Prime Minister and cabinet colleagues. May likened him to a dog that had to be put down. Philip Hammond quipped about him during his joke-fuelled 2017 Budget. All of which gave Johnson’s allies the impression that Johnson-hunting was a licensed sport as far as Downing Street was concerned. He was then shut out of the election campaign and has continued to be a marginalised figure even as the disappointing election result forced May to involve the wider cabinet in policymaking.

His sense of exclusion from the discussions around May’s Florence speech only added to his sense of isolation. May forgot that if you aren’t going to kill, don’t wound: now, thanks to her lost majority, she can’t afford to put any of the Brexiteers out in the cold, and Johnson is once again where he wants to be: centre-stage. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.