The new cabinet: who’s made it in?

All the new cabinet posts as they come in.

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Britain has its first coalition government since 1945 and the Liberal Democrats are expected to secure five posts in the cabinet. Here are the confirmed posts, along with a few rumours. I'll update this throughout the day as appointments are made.

It's notable that, as things stand, we have an all-male cabinet.

UPDATE: We've got a woman! Theresa May will become the second-ever female home secretary. After many criticised the conspicuous lack of women in cabinet, David Cameron obviously felt he had to hand one of the great offices of state to her. No surprise to see that the serial gaffster Chris Grayling has been dropped.

After strong rumours that he would run the Home Office, it looks like Michael Gove will become schools secretary after all. Ken Clarke has lost Business to Vince Cable and will now serve as justice secretary.

UPDATE: The BBC is reporting that Iain Duncan Smith will be appointed as work and pensions secretary. His work at the Centre for Social Justice makes him a natural for the role. Also worth noting that, with William Hague becoming foreign secretary, we could end up with two former Tory leaders in the cabinet.

UPDATE: David Laws has been named chief secetary to the Treasury. That leaves Philip Hammond without a job, as things stand.

UPDATE: I was right about Grayling not making it into the cabinet, but he has been named deputy to Iain Duncan Smith at the Department for Work and Pensions.

Prime Minister: David Cameron

Deputy Prime Minister: Nick Clegg

First Secretary of State and Foreign Secretary: William Hague

Chancellor of the Exchequer: George Osborne

Lord Chancellor and Justice Secretary: Ken Clarke

Home Secretary and Minister for Women and Equality: Theresa May

Defence Secretary: Liam Fox

Business Secretary: Vince Cable

Work and Pensions Secretary: Iain Duncan Smith

Energy and Climate Change Secretary: Chris Huhne

Health Secretary: Andrew Lansley

Schools Secretary: Michael Gove

Communities Secretary: Eric Pickles

Transport Secretary: Philip Hammond

Environment Secretary: Caroline Spelman

International Development Secretary: Andrew Mitchell

Northern Ireland Secretary: Owen Paterson

Scottish Secretary: Danny Alexander

Welsh Secretary: Cheryl Gillan

Culture Secretary: Jeremy Hunt

Chief Secretary to the Treasury: David Laws

Leader of the House of Lords: Lord Strathclyde

Minister without Portfolio: Baroness Warsi

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George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Leader: Labour is failing. A hard Brexit is looming. But there is no need for fatalism

There is nothing inevitable about the right’s supremacy or a catastrophic Brexit.

Democracy depends on competent opposition. Governments, however well intentioned, require permanent and effective scrutiny to meet the public interest. For this purpose, the role of Her Majesty’s Opposition was enshrined in law 80 years ago. However, at present, and in the week Article 50 is invoked, this constitutional duty is being fulfilled in name alone. (The Scottish National Party speaks only for the Scottish interest.)

Since re-electing Jeremy Corbyn as its leader, the Labour Party has become the weakest opposition in postwar history. It lost the recent Copeland by-election to the Conservatives (a seat the Tories had not held since 1931) and trails the governing party, by up to 19 points, in opinion polls. The Tories feel no pressure from Labour. They confidently predict they will retain power until 2030 or beyond. Yet as the poll tax debacle and the Iraq War demonstrate, prolonged periods of single-party rule run the danger of calamitous results – not least, this time, the break-up of Britain.

Under Mr Corbyn, who formally lost the confidence of 80 per cent of his MPs last summer (and has not regained it), Labour has the least impressive and least qualified front bench in its history. Its enfeeblement has left a void that no party is capable of filling. “The grass-roots social movement of the left that was supposed to arrive in Jeremy Corbyn’s wake has not shown up,” the academic Nick Pearce, a former head of Gordon Brown’s policy unit, writes on page 36.

In these new times, the defining struggle is no longer between parties but within the Conservative Party. As a consequence, many voters have never felt more unrepresented or disempowered. Aided by an increasingly belligerent right-wing press, the Tory Brexiteers are monopolising and poisoning debate: as the novelist Ian McEwan said, “The air in my country is very foul.” Those who do not share their libertarian version of Brexit Britain are impugned as the “enemies” of democracy. Theresa May has a distinctive vision but will the libertarian right allow her the time and space to enact it?

Let us not forget that the Conservatives have a majority of just 15 or that Labour’s problems did not begin with Mr Corbyn’s leadership. However, his divisiveness and unpopularity have accelerated the party’s decline. Although the Unite general secretary, Len McCluskey, elected by a fraction of his union membership, loftily pronounced that the Labour leader had 15 months left to prove himself, the country cannot afford to wait that long.

Faced with the opposition’s weakness, some have advocated a “progressive alliance” to take on the Conservatives. Labour, the Liberal Democrats, the Greens and the nationalist parties are urged to set aside their tribalism. Yet it is fantasy to believe that such an alliance would provide stable majority government when nearly four million people voted for Ukip in 2015. There has also been chatter about the creation of a new centrist party – the Democrats, or, as Richard Dawkins writes on page 54, the European Party. Under our first-past-the-post electoral system, however, a new party would risk merely perpetuating the fragmentation of the opposition. If Labour is too weak to win, it is too strong to die.

The UK’s departure from the EU poses fundamental questions about the kind of country we wish to be. For some on the right, Brexit is a Trojan Horse to remake Britain as a low-tax, small-state utopia. Others aspire to a protectionist fortress of closed borders and closed minds. Mr Corbyn was re-elected by a landslide margin last summer. The Leave campaign’s victory was narrower yet similarly decisive. But these events are not an excuse for quietism. Labour must regain its historic role as the party of the labour interest. Labour’s purpose is not to serve the interests of a particular faction but to redress the power of capital for the common good. And it must have a leader capable of winning power.

If Labour’s best and brightest MPs are unwilling to serve in the shadow cabinet, they should use their freedom to challenge an under-scrutinised government and prove their worth. They should build cross-party alliances. They should evolve a transformative policy programme. They should think seriously about why there has been a post-liberal turn in our politics.

There is nothing inevitable about the right’s supremacy or a catastrophic Brexit. At present, the mood on the Labour benches is one of fatalism and passivity. This cannot go on.

This article first appeared in the 30 March 2017 issue of the New Statesman, Wanted: an opposition