Web Only: the best of the blogs

The five must-read blogs from today on a "bigoted woman", Tory councils and the right-wing media.

1. Brown was wrong - but politicians need to disagree with voters too

Sunder Katwala says that the lesson from Brown's encounter today is that any disagreement ought to be expressed to the voter, not privately afterwards.

2. Why Brown was right to blame his staff

At Comment Central, Daniel Finkelstein says Gordon Brown was right to be angry with his staff this morning: they forgot to tell him to take the mike off.

3. Options for David Cameron if there's a hung parliament

Gary Gibbon explores whether David Cameron could strike a deal with the Democratic Unionist Party in the event of a hung parliament. He also reveals that the Lib Dems believe Cameron will be able to lead a minority government if he is no more than 20 seats short of a majority.

4. Cameron's Councils show the real face of Tory government

Over at Left Foot Forward, Mary Thorogood argues that we should look at Tory councils to get a picture of what a Conservative Britain would look like -- and it certainly isn't the "supportive funding environment for volunteer-based charities and community groups" that Cameron describes.

5. Exclusive poll: newspaper hostility makes voters more likely to back Lib Dems

Liberal Democrat Voice's Mark Pack publishes the results of a survey which found that press attacks on the Lib Dems make people more likely to vote for the party.


Sign up now to CommentPlus for the pick of the day's opinion, comment and analysis in your inbox at 8am, every weekday.

How Jim Murphy's mistake cost Labour - and helped make Ruth Davidson

Scottish Labour's former leader's great mistake was to run away from Labour's Scottish referendum, not on it.

The strange revival of Conservative Scotland? Another poll from north of the border, this time from the Times and YouGov, shows the Tories experiencing a revival in Scotland, up to 28 per cent of the vote, enough to net seven extra seats from the SNP.

Adding to the Nationalists’ misery, according to the same poll, they would lose East Dunbartonshire to the Liberal Democrats, reducing their strength in the Commons to a still-formidable 47 seats.

It could be worse than the polls suggest, however. In the elections to the Scottish Parliament last year, parties which backed a No vote in the referendum did better in the first-past-the-post seats than the polls would have suggested – thanks to tactical voting by No voters, who backed whichever party had the best chance of beating the SNP.

The strategic insight of Ruth Davidson, the Conservative leader in Scotland, was to to recast her party as the loudest defender of the Union between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom. She has absorbed large chunks of that vote from the Liberal Democrats and Labour, but, paradoxically, at the Holyrood elections at least, the “Unionist coalition” she assembled helped those parties even though it cost the vote share.

The big thing to watch is not just where the parties of the Union make gains, but where they successfully form strong second-places against whoever the strongest pro-Union party is.

Davidson’s popularity and eye for a good photo opportunity – which came first is an interesting question – mean that the natural benefactor in most places will likely be the Tories.

But it could have been very different. The first politician to hit successfully upon the “last defender of the Union” routine was Ian Murray, the last Labour MP in Scotland, who squeezed both the  Liberal Democrat and Conservative vote in his seat of Edinburgh South.

His then-leader in Scotland, Jim Murphy, had a different idea. He fought the election in 2015 to the SNP’s left, with the slogan of “Whether you’re Yes, or No, the Tories have got to go”.  There were a couple of problems with that approach, as one  former staffer put it: “Firstly, the SNP weren’t going to put the Tories in, and everyone knew it. Secondly, no-one but us wanted to move on [from the referendum]”.

Then again under different leadership, this time under Kezia Dugdale, Scottish Labour once again fought a campaign explicitly to the left of the SNP, promising to increase taxation to blunt cuts devolved from Westminster, and an agnostic position on the referendum. Dugdale said she’d be open to voting to leave the United Kingdom if Britain left the European Union. Senior Scottish Labour figures flirted with the idea that the party might be neutral in a forthcoming election. Once again, the party tried to move on – but no-one else wanted to move on.

How different things might be if instead of running away from their referendum campaign, Jim Murphy had run towards it in 2015. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

0800 7318496