Health debate: New Statesman and Pfizer host special debate

“Taking Care of Health” forum brings together the politicians Andy Burnham, Norman Lamb and Mark Sim

In the latest of a series of influential debates and special reports, the New Statesman, in collaboration with Pfizer, has put together a Policy Forum to discuss the challenges and opportunities facing those working in health care in the UK.

On our panel we have Andy Burnham (Secretary of State for Health), Mark Simmonds (shadow health minister, Conservative Party) and Norman Lamb (shadow spokesperson for health, Liberal Democrats). They are joined by the writer and broadcaster Ed Stourton, a founder journalist on Channel 4 News and presenter of Radio 4's Today programme.

Professor Terence Stephenson, president of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, wants to ask each representative what his plans are, if he were to become secretary of state for health after the election, to use the 2010 Olympics to improve the health of children in the UK.

Zack Cooper, health economist at the London School of Economics, says:

The NHS is one of the only health systems in the world that is free at the point of use. Every shred of evidence suggests that if users don't have to pay, people will consume more health care and worry less about their individual health. Do you agree? And how can the NHS make individuals more conscious of their own lifestyle choices and be aware that health-care resources are finite?

Deborah Alsina of Bowel Cancer UK says: "In the current difficult economic climate, preventing cancer from developing not only saves lives, but also makes good financial sense . . . I would like to know from each speaker what steps their party will take to incorporate the [flexible sigmoidoscopy] test into the current bowel screening programmes as part of a strategy to prevent cancer."

And Louise Kirsh, parliamentary officer for Mind, wants to find out more about plans to tackle the stigma and discrimination "that affects nine out of ten people with mental health problems".

"Taking Care of Health" will also feature representatives from organisations including Civitas, Bupa and Macmillan Cancer Support, and takes place today from 2pm at Bishop Partridge Hall in Westminster.

An extended editorial feature covering the debate will be published online with the New Statesman issue of Monday 10 May.

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France’s burkini ban could not come at a worse time

Yet more legislation against veiled women can only further divide an already divided nation.

Since mayor of Cannes David Lisnard banned the full-body burkini from his town’s beaches, as many as 15 French resorts have followed suit. Arguments defending the bans fall into three main categories. First, it is about defending the French state’s secularism (laïcité). Second, that the costume represents a misogynistic doctrine that sees female bodies as shameful. And finally, that the burkini is cited as a threat to public order.

None of these arguments satisfactorily refute the claims of civil rights activists that the bans are fundamentally Islamophobic.

The niceties of laïcité

The Cannes decree explicitly invokes secular values. It prohibits anyone “not dressed in a fashion respectful of laïcité” from accessing public beaches. However, the French state has only banned “ostentatious” religious symbols in schools and for government employees as part of laïcité (the strict separation between the state and religious society). And in public spaces, laïcité claims to respect religious plurality. Indeed, the Laïcité Commission has tweeted that the ban, therefore, “cannot be based upon the principle of laïcité”.

While veils covering the entire face such as the burqa or niqab are illegal, this is not to protect laïcité; it is a security matter. The legal justification is that these clothes make it impossible to identify the person underneath – which is not the case for the burkini.

 

By falling back on laïcité to police Muslim women in this way, the Cannes authorities are fuelling the argument that “fundamentalist secularism” has become a means of excluding Muslims from French society.

Colonial attitudes

Others, such as Laurence Rossignol, the minister for women’s rights, hold that the burkini represents a “profoundly archaic view of a woman’s place in society”, disregarding Muslim women who claim to wear their burkini voluntarily.

This typifies an enduring colonial attitude among many non-Muslim French politicians, who feel entitled to dictate to Muslim women what is in their best interests. Rossignol has in the past compared women who wear headscarves through choice to American “negroes” who supported slavery.

Far from supporting women’s rights, banning the burkini will only leave the women who wear it feeling persecuted. Even those with no choice in the matter are not helped by the ban. This legal measure does nothing to challenge patriarchal authority over female bodies in the home. Instead, it further restricts the lives of veiled women by replacing it with state authority in public.

Open Islamophobia

Supporters of the ban have also claimed that, with racial tensions high after recent terrorist attacks, it is provocative to wear this form of Muslim clothing. Such an argument was made by Pierre-Ange Vivoni, mayor of Sisco in Corsica, when he banned the burkini in his commune. Early reports suggested a violent clash between local residents and non-locals of Moroccan origin was triggered when strangers photographed a burkini-wearing woman in the latter group, which angered her male companions. Vivoni claimed that banning the costume protected the security of local people, including those of North African descent.

Those reports have transpired to be false: none of the women in question were even wearing a burkini at the time of the incident. Nonetheless, the ban has stood in Sisco and elsewhere.

To be “provoked” by the burkini is to be provoked by the visibility of Muslims. Banning it on this basis punishes Muslim women for other people’s prejudice. It also disregards the burkini’s potential to promote social cohesion by giving veiled women access to the same spaces as their non-Muslim compatriots.

Appeals to public order have, occasionally, been openly Islamophobic. Thierry Migoule, head of municipal services in Cannes, claimed that the burkini “refers to an allegiance to terrorist movements”, conveniently ignoring the Muslim victims of recent attacks. Barely a month after Muslims paying their respects to friends and family killed in Nice were racially abused, such comments are both distasteful and irresponsible.

Increased divisions

Feiza Ben Mohammed, spokesperson for the Federation of Southern Muslims, fears that stigmatising Muslims in this way will play into the hands of IS recruiters. That fear seems well-founded: researchers cite a sense of exclusion as a factor behind the radicalisation of a minority of French Muslims. Measures like this can only exacerbate that problem. Indeed, provoking repressive measures against European Muslims to cultivate such a sentiment is part of the IS strategy.

Meanwhile, the day after the incident in Sisco, riot police were needed in nearby Bastia to prevent a 200-strong crowd chanting “this is our home” from entering a neighbourhood with many residents of North African descent. Given the recent warning from France’s head of internal security of the risk of a confrontation between “the extreme right and the Muslim world”, such scenes are equally concerning.

Now more than ever, France needs unity. Yet more legislation against veiled women can only further divide an already divided nation.

The Conversation

Fraser McQueen, PhD Candidate, University of Stirling

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.