Comment Plus: pick of the papers

The ten must-read pieces from this morning's papers.

1. The Tea Party: lofty ideals, grubby facts (Guardian)

Far from being a grass-roots movement, the orginal "tea party" was brewed up by wealthy merchants, writes Tristram Hunt. Today, once more, corporate elites are winding up an angry populace.

2. Gordon Brown needs to focus fast on what women really want (Daily Telegraph)

The defection of female voters to the Tories could lose the government this election, says Mary Riddell. In order to win women back, Brown should avoid gimmicks and giveaways and focus on protecting public services.

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3. Cameron should be offering hope, not pain (Financial Times)

Philip Stephens argues that David Cameron's biggest mistake was to join George Osborne in promising a new "age of austerity". Until then, the Tory leader had defined himself as a centrist post-Thatcherite, more keen on healing society than on slashing public services.

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4. Polls do much more for the pollsters than for the public (Independent)

It would be marvellous to have an election campaign free of opinion polls, writes Dominic Lawson. The uncertainty about the outcome would likely produce a sharp rise in turnout and more discussion of the real issues.

5. It takes more than Play-Doh to plug a deficit (Times)

The Budge deficit cannot be reduced by cutting back on middle-class perks alone, writes Rachel Sylvester. The scope and remit of public services may have to change so they can stay universal.

6. Is this Labour's death rattle or a rare new optimism? (Guardian)

Michael White explores whether Labour's plans for high-speed rail and a national care service prove that the government has not run out of steam.

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7. Spare us from politicians and their "difficult decisions" (Daily Telegraph)

Politicians should simply say, in concrete terms, what their policies are and what the consequences will be, rather than using the disingenuous phrase "difficult decisions", says Michael Deacon.

8. Our attitude to kids shows we need to grow up (Times)

Our society's failure to treat child offenders as children feeds our vengeful instincts towards young killers and rapists, argues David Aaronovitch.

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9. The only question asked of Nick Clegg (Independent)

The national media are only interested in asking Clegg one question: what would you do in the event of a hung parliament? But, says Steve Richards, he does not know the answer and will not know it until the election is over.

10. Bubble or not, China's rise is real (Financial Times)

China's political system may be inherently unstable, writes Gideon Rachman, but the country has emerged as a far more serious challenge to US hegemony than Japan ever was.

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Why isn't Labour putting forward Corbynite candidates?

Despite his successes as a candidate, the organisational victories have gone the way of Corbyn's opponents. 

The contest changes, but the result remains the same: Jeremy Corbyn’s preferred candidate defeated in a parliamentary selection. Afzhal Khan is Labour’s candidate in the Manchester Gorton by-election and the overwhelming favourite to be the seat’s next MP.

Although Khan, an MEP, was one of  the minority of Labour’s European MPs to dissent from a letter from the European parliamentary Labour party calling for Jeremy Corbyn to go in the summer of 2016, he backed Andy Burnham and Tom Watson in 2015, and it is widely believed, fairly or unfairly, that Khan had, as one local activist put it, “the brains to know which way the wind was blowing” rather than being a pukka Corbynite.

For the leader’s office, it was a double defeat;  their preferred candidate, Sam Wheeler, was kept off the longlist, when the party’s Corbynsceptics allied with the party’s BAME leadership to draw up an all ethnic minority shortlist, and Yasmine Dar, their back-up option, was narrowly defeated by Khan among members in Manchester Gorton.

But even when the leadership has got its preferred candidate to the contest, they have been defeated. That even happened in Copeland, where the shortlist was drawn up by Corbynites and designed to advantage Rachel Holliday, the leader’s office preferred candidate.

Why does the Labour left keep losing? Supporters combination of bad luck and bad decisions for the defeat.

In Oldham West, where Michael Meacher, a committed supporter of Jeremy Corbyn’s, was succeeded by Jim McMahon, who voted for Liz Kendall, McMahon was seen to be so far ahead that they had no credible chance of stopping him. Rosena Allin-Khan was a near-perfect candidate to hold the seat of Tooting: a doctor at the local hospital, the seat’s largest employer, with links to both the Polish and Pakistani communities that make up the seat’s biggest minority blocs.  Gillian Troughton, who won the Copeland selection, is a respected local councillor.

But the leadership has also made bad decisions, some claim.  The failure to get a candidate in Manchester Gorton was particularly egregious, as one trade unionist puts it: “We all knew that Gerald was not going to make it [until 2020], they had a local boy with good connections to the trade unions, that contest should have been theirs for the taking”. Instead, they lost control of the selection panel because Jeremy Corbyn missed an NEC meeting – the NEC is hung at present as the Corbynsceptics sacrificed their majority of one to retain the chair – and with it their best chance of taking the seat.

Others close to the leadership point out that for the first year of Corbyn’s leadership, the leader’s office was more preoccupied with the struggle for survival than it was with getting more of its people in. Decisions in by-elections were taken on the hop and often in a way that led to problems later down the line. It made sense to keep Mo Azam, from the party’s left, off the shortlist in Oldham West when Labour MPs were worried for their own seats and about the Ukip effect if Labour selected a minority candidate. But that enraged the party’s minority politicians and led directly to the all-ethnic-minority shortlist in Manchester Gorton.

They also point out that the party's councillor base, from where many candidates are drawn, is still largely Corbynsceptic, though they hope that this will change in the next round of local government selections. (Councillors must go through a reselection process at every election.)

But the biggest shift has very little to do with the Labour leadership. The big victories for the Labour left in internal battles under Ed Miliband were the result of Unite and the GMB working together. Now they are, for various reasons, at odds and the GMB has proven significantly better at working shortlists and campaigning for its members to become MPs.  That helps Corbynsceptics. “The reason why so many of the unions supported Jeremy the first time,” one senior Corbynite argues, “Is they wanted to move the Labour party a little bit to the left. They didn’t want a socialist transformation of the Labour party. And actually if you look at the people getting selected they are not Corbynites, but they are not Blairites either, and that’s what the unions wanted.”

Regardless of why, it means that, two years into Corbyn’s leadership, the Labour left finds itself smaller in parliament than it was at the beginning.  

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.