Morning Call: pick of the comment

The ten must-read pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Once again, a nation walks through fire to give the west its "democracy" (Independent)

Robert Fisk discusses the Iraqi election, saying that democracy doesn't seem to work for countries occupied by western troops. This election is likely to enshrine the very sectarianism that flourished under Saddam Hussein.

2. The two faces of Iraq (Times)

The Times leader is more optimistic, saying that although the elections in Iraq were marred by violence, it suggests a brighter future that millions of Iraqis risked their lives to register a vote.

3. Cuts rhetoric won't boost Labour hopes (Guardian)

"Why have swingeing cuts been so widely accepted as necessary?" asks Madeleine Bunting. This is territory long colonised by Thatcherite Tories, and would draw blood among women and the low-paid.

4. Forget the prophets of doom -- I'm proud to be a baby boomer (Daily Telegraph)

The Mayor of London, Boris Johnson, takes issue with the argument of David Willetts's book The Pinch. Johnson maintains that the world is a happier place thanks to his generation, and that the next will look after itself.

5. How banks can help the world's poor (Financial Times)

We need to stop separating investment decisions from philanthropic giving, says Alexander Friedman. Bringing together the building and giving away of wealth will bring about a huge increase in capital flowing to the social sector.

6. Lib Dems should refuse a coalition (Guardian)

The Liberal Democrats are getting boxed in to vagueness about what they would do in a hung parliament, says Jackie Ashley. They should be bold, and say they will back the party with an economic plan closest to their own.

7. The pound will rise as the euro heads south (Times)

Political uncertainty is holding back sterling, says Bill Emmott. But it is certain that the eurozone has a rough time ahead, making the prospects of a British recovery look stronger.

8. Why the euro will continue to weaken (Financial Times)

Wolfgang Münchau agrees that there is trouble in store for the euro -- we have always known a monetary union cannot exist without political union in the long run, but perhaps the long run has arrived sooner than expected.

9. Icelanders deserve our empathy, not bullying (Independent)

The Icelandic people object to the punitive terms of their repayment of £3.4bn to the UK and the Netherlands, rather than the repayment itself. The Independent's leading article says we need a fair settlement that reflects Icelanders' ability to repay.

10. The painful limits of localism (Guardian)

Julian Glover argues that the Tories have taken an important step towards designating the dividing line between national and local. As Labour's high-speed rail proposals show, this is essential.

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Like it or hate it, it doesn't matter: Brexit is happening, and we've got to make a success of it

It's time to stop complaining and start campaigning, says Stella Creasy.

A shortage of Marmite, arguments over exporting jam and angry Belgians. And that’s just this month.  As the Canadian trade deal stalls, and the government decides which cottage industry its will pick next as saviour for the nation, the British people are still no clearer getting an answer to what Brexit actually means. And they are also no clearer as to how they can have a say in how that question is answered.

To date there have been three stages to Brexit. The first was ideological: an ever-rising euroscepticism, rooted in a feeling that the costs the compromises working with others require were not comparable to the benefits. It oozed out, almost unnoticed, from its dormant home deep in the Labour left and the Tory right, stoked by Ukip to devastating effect.

The second stage was the campaign of that referendum itself: a focus on immigration over-riding a wider debate about free trade, and underpinned by the tempting and vague claim that, in an unstable, unfair world, control could be taken back. With any deal dependent on the agreement of twenty eight other countries, it has already proved a hollow victory.

For the last few months, these consequences of these two stages have dominated discussion, generating heat, but not light about what happens next. Neither has anything helped to bring back together those who feel their lives are increasingly at the mercy of a political and economic elite and those who fear Britain is retreating from being a world leader to a back water.

Little wonder the analogy most commonly and easily reached for by commentators has been that of a divorce. They speculate our coming separation from our EU partners is going to be messy, combative and rancorous. Trash talk from some - including those in charge of negotiating -  further feeds this perception. That’s why it is time for all sides to push onto Brexit part three: the practical stage. How and when is it actually going to happen?

A more constructive framework to use than marriage is one of a changing business, rather than a changing relationship. Whatever the solid economic benefits of EU membership, the British people decided the social and democratic costs had become too great. So now we must adapt.

Brexit should be as much about innovating in what we make and create as it is about seeking to renew our trading deals with the world. New products must be sought alongside new markets. This doesn’t have to mean cutting corners or cutting jobs, but it does mean being prepared to learn new skills and invest in helping those in industries that are struggling to make this leap to move on. The UK has an incredible and varied set of services and products to offer the world, but will need to focus on what we do well and uniquely here to thrive. This is easier said than done, but can also offer hope. Specialising and skilling up also means we can resist those who want us to jettison hard-won environmental and social protections as an alternative. 

Most accept such a transition will take time. But what is contested is that it will require openness. However, handing the public a done deal - however well mediated - will do little to address the division within our country. Ensuring the best deal in a way that can garner the public support it needs to work requires strong feedback channels. That is why transparency about the government's plans for Brexit is so important. Of course, a balance needs to be struck with the need to protect negotiating positions, but scrutiny by parliament- and by extension the public- will be vital. With so many differing factors at stake and choices to be made, MPs have to be able and willing to bring their constituents into the discussion not just about what Brexit actually entails, but also what kind of country Britain will be during and after the result - and their role in making it happen. 

Those who want to claim the engagement of parliament and the public undermines the referendum result are still in stages one and two of this debate, looking for someone to blame for past injustices, not building a better future for all. Our Marmite may be safe for the moment, but Brexit can’t remain a love it or hate it phenomenon. It’s time for everyone to get practical.