Morning Call: pick of the comment

The ten must-read pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Keep plugging away. The brand is a winner (Times)

The Tories think that the job of changing their party's image is complete, says Daniel Finkelstein. It isn't -- they must continue to reinforce their new brand. Complacency could be fatal.

2. The Innocent smoothies of politics are still the party of the rich (Guardian)

Jonathan Freedland agrees that the Conservative Party rebranding was an early success. But, he says, the Michael Ashcroft tax scandal plays into the public's expectations of the party -- the new Tory brand can't survive many more ugly revelations.

3. Charisma can only go so far for Cameron (Financial Times)

All the charisma in the world can't sort out the contradictions in the new Conservative message, says Matthew Engel. At the end of the day, politics is about beef as well as beefcake.

4. An appeal to the better nature of the baby boomers -- and Boris Johnson (Daily Telegraph)

The Tory front-bencher David Willetts responds to the Mayor of London's column in Monday's Telegraph, which challenged the argument of his new book. Willetts reaffirms that the contract between the generations is broken.

5. Belfast: this deal is a big deal (Guardian)

Devolution completes the Northern Irish jigsaw, but, says Denis Murray, in two years no one will remember that it was an issue. The DUP's main problem now is the formation of an ultra-traditionalist party that will split the unionist vote three ways.

6. Don't write off the US economy (Independent)

China and India may be growing much faster, says Hamish McRae, but in technical innovation there's no contest: the rest of the world looks to the United States for innovation.

7. Where have all the female firebrands gone? (Times)

In 1997 a record number of women MPs got into parliament, says Suzy Jagger. But their biggest achievement was getting elected -- women are not making heavyweight policy on the front benches, or causing trouble from the back benches.

8. Straw has left justice to the tender mercies of the press (Guardian)

The chief enemy of British freedom today is the British press, according to Simon Jenkins. Under the banner of transparency, ministers have allowed a frenzy of blame to develop around the Jon Venables case. This is a decline from the rule of law back towards the lynch mob.

9. Europe must confront its real economic problems (Independent)

Blaming speculators for the eurozone's woes is a displacement activity, says the leading article. Europe needs fundamental reforms to its labour markets and a big shift in internal demand.

10. Rob rich bankers and give money to the poor (Times)

Jeffrey Sachs makes the case for a Robin Hood tax on financial transactions; after all, Wall Street and the City did so little to deserve their record profits.

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The Tory-DUP deal has left Scotland and Wales seething

It is quite something to threaten the Northern Irish peace process and set the various nations of the UK at loggerheads with merely one act.

Politics in the UK is rarely quite this crude, or this blatant. The deal agreed between the Conservatives and Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionist Party has – finally – been delivered. But both the deal and much of the opposition to it come with barely even the pretence of principled behaviour.

The Conservatives are looking to shore up their parliamentary and broader political position after a nightmare month. The DUP deal gives the Tories some parliamentary security, and some political breathing space. It is not yet clear what they as a party will do with this – whether, for instance, there will be an attempt to seek new leadership for the party now that the immediate parliamentary position has been secured.

But while some stability has been achieved, the deal does not provide the Tories with much additional strength. Indeed, the DUP deal emphasises their weakness. To finalise the agreement the government has had to throw money at Northern Ireland and align with a deeply socially conservative political force. At a stroke, the last of what remained of the entire Cameron project – the Conservative’s rebuilt reputation as the better party for the economy and fiscal stability, and their development as a much more socially inclusive and liberal party – has been thrown overboard.

Read more: Theresa May's magic money tree is growing in Northern Ireland

For the DUP, the reasoning behind the deal is as obvious as it is for the Conservatives. The DUP has maximised the leverage that the parliamentary arithmetic gives it. As a socially conservative and unionist party, it has absolutely no wish to see Jeremy Corbyn in Downing Street. But it has kept the Conservatives waiting, and used the current position to get as good a deal as possible. Why should we expect it to do anything else? Still, it is hardly seemly for votes to be bought quite so blatantly.

The politics behind much of the criticism of the deal has been equally obvious. Welsh First Minister Carwyn Jones – representing not only the Labour party, but also a nation whose relative needs are at least as great as those of the six counties – abandoned his normally restrained tone to describe the deal as a "bung" for Northern Ireland. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon was also sharply critical of the deal’s lack of concern for financial fairness across the UK. In doing so, she rather blithely ignored the fact that the Barnett Formula, out of which Scotland has long done rather well, never had much to do with fairness anyway. But we could hardly expect the Scottish National Party First Minister to do anything but criticise both the Conservatives and the current functioning of the UK.

Beyond the depressingly predictable short-term politics, the long-term consequences of the Tory-DUP deal are much less foreseeable. It is quite something to threaten the integrity of the Northern Irish peace process and set the various nations of the UK at loggerheads with merely one act. Perhaps everything will work out OK. But it is concerning that, for the current government, short-term political survival appears all-important, even at potential cost to the long-term stability and integrity of the state.

But one thing is clear. The political unity of the UK is breaking down. British party politics is in retreat, possibly even existential decay. This not to say that political parties as a whole are in decline. But the political ties that bind across the UK are.

The DUP deal comes after the second general election in a row where four different parties have come first in the four nations of the UK, something which had never happened before 2015. But perhaps even more significantly, the 2017 election was one where the campaigns across the four nations were perhaps less connected than ever before.

Of course, Northern Ireland’s party and electoral politics have long been largely separate from those on the mainland. But Ulster Unionist MPs long took the Tory whip at Westminster. Even after that practice ceased in the 1970s, some vestigial links between the parties remained, while there were also loose ties between the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Labour. But in 2017, both these Northern Irish parties had their last Commons representation eliminated.

In Scotland, 2017 saw the SNP lose some ground; the main unionist parties are, it seems, back in the game. But even to stage their partial comeback, the unionist parties had to fight – albeit with some success – on the SNP’s turf, focusing the general election campaign in Scotland heavily around the issue of a potential second independence referendum.

Even in Wales, Labour’s 26th successive general election victory was achieved in a very different way to the previous 25. The party campaigned almost exclusively as Welsh Labour. The main face and voice of the campaign was Carwyn Jones, with Jeremy Corbyn almost invisible in official campaign materials. Immediately post-election, Conservatives responded to their failure by calling for the creation of a clear Welsh Conservative leader.

Read more: Did Carwyn Jones win Wales for Labour  - or Jeremy Corbyn?

Yet these four increasingly separate political arenas still exist within one state. The UK was always an odd entity: what James Mitchell astutely termed a "state of unions", with the minority nations grafted on in distinct and even contradictory ways to the English core. The politics of the four nations are drifting apart, yet circumstances will still sometimes mean that they have to intersect. In the current instance, the parliamentary arithmetic means the Tories having to work with a party that celebrates a form of "Britishness" viewed increasingly with baffled incomprehension, if not outright revulsion, by the majority of Conservatives, even, on the British mainland. In turn, the Tories and other parties, as well as the news-media, are having to deal with sudden relevance of a party whose concerns and traditions they understand very little of.

Expect more of this incomprehension, not less, in the post-2017 general election world. 

Roger Scully is Professor of Political Science in the Wales Governance Centre at Cardiff University.

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