Ken Barlow comes out for the Tories

And the world is blinded by Corrie star power.


What an opening shot. Scorsese, Cameron (James, not David), Tarantino, take note. THIS is how films should start. The swirling piano, the tracking shot of a be-scarved, leather-gloved protagonist wandering along a wintry, tree-lined path.

And then, cut. Straight to the red teacups. And William Roache (better known as Ken Barlow in Coronation Street) sitting at his kitchen table talking about death taxes.

The issue is important, yes. But Barlow? Really? It seems a shame to reduce an election campaign to a war of celebrities, but let's indulge that thought for a moment. The Lib Dems, apparently, have support from Kate Winslet, Chris Martin and Colin Firth. Labour has David Tennant and J K Rowling. And the Tories have Barlow (looking pretty suave for his 77 years).

He's got his script nailed, though -- appearing suitably anxious when talking about Labour's policies, earnest and academic as he wears his glasses to read weighty reports, and then solid and grandfatherly as he pledges his support to the Conservative Party.

Good old Barlow and his "dysfunctional" Coronation Street family, as he calls it. This is exactly what the modernising Tory party needs to show the world its fresher face.

Sophie Elmhirst is features editor of the New Statesman

Getty Images.
Show Hide image

Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.