Beware of Tory co-operatives

The proposals are a back-door device for more privatisation.

When the Conservatives use words such as "co-operative", it is wise to count the spoons. Their proposals for allowing state employees to take over primary schools, nursing teams and so on, and to keep and distribute among themselves any surplus, may possibly signify a belated conversion to workers' control, perhaps prompted by the self-styled "Red Tories". But I think it safer to treat the proposals as a back-door device for more privatisation of the public sector.

I am reminded of the demutualisation of the building societies under Tory governments in the 1980s and 1990s. These were owned by their customers -- that is, savers and borrowers, known as "members" of each society -- and could trace their lineage back to the self-help institutions started by working-class communities in the 18th and 19th centuries. An Abbey National boss, Clive Thornton, once called them the highest form of socialism.

The Tories systematically undermined them by introducing legislation that encouraged them to behave like banks, advancing unsecured credit and raising funds from the wholesale money markets rather than from their savers. Most important, they were urged to demutualise and become conventional shareholder-owned banks, with members getting windfalls in compensation for their loss of control.

Some Tories were so intent on destroying the mutual model that they wanted to compel all building societies to convert to plcs within a decade. Happily, that didn't happen, but most large societies, including Northern Rock, took advantage of the new legislation, with consequences that are now familiar.

All this was sold with a leftist slant. The building societies, we were told, were a conspiracy against the workers, limiting their access to credit and operating as a cosy cartel.

Beware Tories bearing red-tinted gifts.

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Peter Wilby was editor of the Independent on Sunday from 1995 to 1996 and of the New Statesman from 1998 to 2005. He writes the weekly First Thoughts column for the NS.

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Theresa May is paying the price for mismanaging Boris Johnson

The Foreign Secretary's bruised ego may end up destroying Theresa May. 

And to think that Theresa May scheduled her big speech for this Friday to make sure that Conservative party conference wouldn’t be dominated by the matter of Brexit. Now, thanks to Boris Johnson, it won’t just be her conference, but Labour’s, which is overshadowed by Brexit in general and Tory in-fighting in particular. (One imagines that the Labour leadership will find a way to cope somehow.)

May is paying the price for mismanaging Johnson during her period of political hegemony after she became leader. After he was betrayed by Michael Gove and lacking any particular faction in the parliamentary party, she brought him back from the brink of political death by making him Foreign Secretary, but also used her strength and his weakness to shrink his empire.

The Foreign Office had its responsibility for negotiating Brexit hived off to the newly-created Department for Exiting the European Union (Dexeu) and for navigating post-Brexit trade deals to the Department of International Trade. Johnson was given control of one of the great offices of state, but with no responsibility at all for the greatest foreign policy challenge since the Second World War.

Adding to his discomfort, the new Foreign Secretary was regularly the subject of jokes from the Prime Minister and cabinet colleagues. May likened him to a dog that had to be put down. Philip Hammond quipped about him during his joke-fuelled 2017 Budget. All of which gave Johnson’s allies the impression that Johnson-hunting was a licensed sport as far as Downing Street was concerned. He was then shut out of the election campaign and has continued to be a marginalised figure even as the disappointing election result forced May to involve the wider cabinet in policymaking.

His sense of exclusion from the discussions around May’s Florence speech only added to his sense of isolation. May forgot that if you aren’t going to kill, don’t wound: now, thanks to her lost majority, she can’t afford to put any of the Brexiteers out in the cold, and Johnson is once again where he wants to be: centre-stage. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.