Economists slam Tory calls for cuts

The Keynesians strike back.

So, after last week's letter to the Sunday Times from 20 economists, supporting the Tory demand for the government to begin cutting spending this year, it's the turn of the Keynesians to strike back.

Today's Financial Times carries not one, but two letters from 67 economists in total, warning that early spending cuts could tip the economy back into recession and rebutting claims that the deficit is "out of control".

The second, written by Lord Skidelsky and signed by 57 others, including Joseph Stiglitz and our economics columnist, David Blanchflower, is the more significant.

Here are the key passages:

In urging a faster pace of deficit reduction to reassure the financial markets, the signatories of the Sunday Times letter implicitly accept as binding the views of the same financial markets whose mistakes precipitated the crisis in the first place!

They seek to frighten us with the present level of the deficit but mention neither the automatic reduction that will be achieved as and when growth is resumed nor the effects of growth on investor confidence. How do the letter's signatories imagine foreign creditors will react if implementing fierce spending cuts tips the economy back into recession? To ask -- as they do -- for independent appraisal of fiscal policy forecasts is sensible. But for the good of the British people -- and for fiscal sustainability -- the first priority must be to restore robust economic growth. The wealth of the nation lies in what its citizens can produce.

George Osborne's claim that the economic consensus favours the Tories has been exposed as false.

The decision to send the letter to the FT (it was originally rumoured that it would appear in this week's Sunday Times) was a canny one. It lends the letter a far greater degree of authority; and it appears in a title that also argues against the deficit hawks. The paper's leader today concludes:

Friday's letters are an embarrassment for the Tories, above all, who sought to capitalise on the first letter. They must learn -- soon -- that their desire for simple political messages is no excuse for nuance-free policy positions.

The FT is often mistakenly assumed to be a cheerleader for the free market, but it has actually endorsed Labour at every election since 1992. And it would be foolish of the Tories to count on its support this time round.

What is surprising is that this letters war has started at a time when the differences between the parties on trimming public spending have ostensibly narrowed. David Cameron has promised that a Conservative government would avoid "swingeing" cuts and Alistair Darling has insisted (against the wishes of Ed Balls) that any windfall from lower than expected unemployment must be used to reduce the deficit, not for a pre-election giveaway.

But with the economy as fragile as it is, the Tories' plan to begin cutting spending from this year remains deeply irresponsible. Any hope George Osborne had of presenting himself as a credible chancellor-in-waiting has evaporated.

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George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.