Why are we letting these "kidnappers" off so lightly?

The media have been sympathetic to the US missionaries awaiting trial in Haiti.

The plight of the American missionaries awaiting trial in Haiti for kidnapping children has been reported pretty sympathetically so far -- even though 22 of the 33 children they tried to take across the border into the Dominican Republic have parents, which is stretching the definition of "orphan" beyond even the one in the dictionary Madonna evidently consults.

On the Telegraph website, Toby Young has posted a short article titled "No good deed goes unpunished" (you get the gist). And even though Toby is a professional provocateur (I attach no opprobrium to the label, by the way), I suspect many Telegraph readers will agree with him, even if some of those commenting on the thread have not.

The overall impression given has been of kindly, God-fearing folk, a little naive -- golly gee, do you have to have documents to take kids that aren't even yours across international frontiers? -- but, in the main, just out to do good.

Imagine, however, as Jon Snow suggested at a Three Faiths Forum talk I attended last week, if a group of Muslims had been discovered doing the taking. There would have been an uproar, he observed.

So why have we let these Southern Baptists, the "Idaho Ten", as they're already being called, off so lightly? I'm afraid the answers are as obvious as they are unpalatable.

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Sholto Byrnes is a Contributing Editor to the New Statesman
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Jeremy Corbyn's Labour conference speech shows how he's grown

The leader's confident address will have impressed even his fiercest foes. 

It is not just Jeremy Corbyn’s mandate that has been improved by his re-election. The Labour leader’s conference speech was, by some distance, the best he has delivered. He spoke with far greater confidence, clarity and energy than previously. From its self-deprecating opening onwards ("Virgin Trains assure me there are 800 empty seats") we saw a leader improved in almost every respect. 

Even Corbyn’s firecest foes will have found less to take issue with than they may have anticipated. He avoided picking a fight on Trident (unlike last year), delivered his most forceful condemnation of anti-Semitism (“an evil”) and, with the exception of the Iraq war, avoided attacks on New Labour’s record. The video which preceded his arrival, and highlighted achievements from the Blair-Brown years, was another olive branch. But deselection, which Corbyn again refused to denounce, will remain a running sore (MPs alleged that Hillsborough campaigner Sheila Coleman, who introduced Corbyn, is seeking to deselect Louise Ellman and backed the rival TUSC last May).

Corbyn is frequently charged with lacking policies. But his lengthy address contained several new ones: the removal of the cap on council borrowing (allowing an extra 60,000 houses to be built), a ban on arms sales to abusive regimes and an arts pupil premium in every primary school.

On policy, Corbyn frequently resembles Ed Miliband in his more radical moments, unrestrained by Ed Balls and other shadow cabinet members. He promised £500bn of infrastructure investment (spread over a decade with £150bn from the private sector), “a real living wage”, the renationalisation of the railways, rent controls and a ban on zero-hours contracts.

Labour’s greatest divisions are not over policy but rules, strategy and culture. Corbyn’s opponents will charge him with doing far too little to appeal to the unconverted - Conservative voters most of all. But he spoke with greater conviction than before of preparing for a general election (acknowledging that Labour faced an arithmetical “mountain”) and successfully delivered the attack lines he has often shunned.

“Even Theresa May gets it, that people want change,” he said. “That’s why she stood on the steps of Downing Street and talked about the inequalities and burning injustices in today’s Britain. She promised a country: ‘that works not for a privileged few but for every one of us’. But even if she manages to talk the talk, she can’t walk the walk. This isn’t a new government, it’s David Cameron’s government repackaged with progressive slogans but with a new harsh right-wing edge, taking the country backwards and dithering before the historic challenges of Brexit.”

After a second landslide victory, Corbyn is, for now, unassailable. Many MPs, having voted no confidence in him, will never serve on the frontbench. But an increasing number, recognising Corbyn’s immovability, speak once again of seeking to “make it work”. For all the ructions of this summer, Corbyn’s speech will have helped to persuade them that they can.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.