The new Tory party is the most Thatcherite yet

Thatcher, not Cameron, is the guiding spirit behind the new Tories

Jonathan Isaby has a piece in today's Times looking at the new crop of Conservative candidates. Here is the crucial passage:

As for their politics, the new intake will for the most part be "Thatcher's Children", rather than "Cameron's Children". Yes, some have joined the party since he won the leadership in 2005, but far more came of age politically during the 1980s.

Isaby is right; the next Tory parliamentary party is likely to be the most Thatcherite in history. It will be stridently Eurosceptic, aggressively pro-market and hawkish on foreign policy. As I reported earlier this week, it will also be deeply reluctant to tackle climate change.

For much of the 1980s, the cabinet at least contained One-Nation Tories (the so-called wets) such as Francis Pym, James Prior and Peter Walker. But Kenneth Clarke is now the only genuine representative of this tradition left on the Tory front bench.

The party will be far more socially liberal than it was under Thatcher -- the return of Section 28, or anything like it, is now unthinkable -- but in most other respects it will be no less right-wing.

And with David Cameron likely to win a small Commons majority of roughly 30, we can expect his backbenchers to exercise significant influence on his government.

 

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George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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The Future of the Left: trade unions are more important than ever

Trade unions are under threat - and without them, the left has no future. 

Not accepting what you're given, when what you're given isn't enough, is the heart of trade unionism.

Workers having the means to change their lot - by standing together and organising is bread and butter for the labour movement - and the most important part? That 'lightbulb moment' when a group of workers realise they don't have to accept the injustice of their situation and that they have the means to change it.

That's what happened when a group of low-paid hospital workers organised a demonstration outside their hospital last week. As more of their colleagues clocked out and joined them on their picket, thart lightbulb went on.

When they stood together, proudly waving their union flags, singing a rhythmic chant and raising their homemade placards demanding a living wage they knew they had organised the collective strength needed to win.

The GMB union members, predominantly BAME women, work for Aramark, an American multinational outsourcing provider. They are hostesses and domestics in the South London and Maudsley NHS Trust, a mental health trust with sites across south London.

Like the nurses and doctors, they work around vulnerable patients and are subject to verbal and in some cases physical abuse. Unlike the nurses and doctors their pay is determined by the private contractor that employs them - for many of these staff that means statutory sick pay, statutory annual leave entitlement and as little as £7.38 per hour.

This is little more than George Osborne's new 'Living Wage' of £7.20 per hour as of April.

But these workers aren't fighting for a living wage set by government or even the Living Wage Foundation - they are fighting for a genuine living wage. The GMB union and Class think tank have calculated that a genuine living wage of £10ph an hour as part of a full time contract removes the need for in work benefits.

As the TUC launches its 'Heart Unions' week of action against the trade union bill today, the Aramark workers will be receiving ballot papers to vote on whether or not they want to strike to win their demands.

These workers are showing exactly why we need to 'Heart Unions' more than ever, because it is the labour movement and workers like these that need to start setting the terms of the real living wage debate. It is campaigns like this, low-paid, in some cases precariously employed and often women workers using their collective strength to make demands on their employer with a strategy for winning those demands that will begin to deliver a genuine living wage.

It is also workers like these that the Trade Union Bill seeks to silence. In many ways it may succeed, but in many other ways workers can still win.

Osborne wants workers to accept what they're given - a living wage on his terms. He wants to stop the women working for Aramark from setting an example to other workers about what can be achieved.

There is no doubting that achieving higher ballot turn outs, restrictions on picket lines and most worryingly the use of agency workers to cover strikers work will make campaigns like these harder. But I refuse to accept they are insurmountable, or that good, solid organisation of working people doesn't have the ability to prevail over even the most authoritarian of legislation.

As the TUC launch their Heart Unions week of action against the bill these women are showing us how the labour movement can reclaim the demands for a genuine living wage. They also send a message to all working people, the message that the Tories fear the most, that collective action can still win and that attempts to silence workers can still be defeated.