Morning Call: pick of the comment

The ten must-read pieces from the Sunday papers.

1. Blair v Chilcot. No contest: we and the truth are the losers (Observer)

Andrew Rawnsley says that the ease with which Tony Blair ran rings round the Chilcot inquiry left a bad taste in the mouth. It may now be beyond any earthly power to get a final reckoning from him for Iraq.

2. The patient's on a dripfeed -- cuts now will kill us (Mail on Sunday)

Vince Cable warns that the economy is too fragile to withstand immediate cuts in public spending. But he adds that it is unjust of Labour and the Tories to ring-fence some budgets from cuts and condemn others to deep reductions.

3. Blair will never escape censure on this earth (Sunday Mirror)

The New Statesman editor, Jason Cowley, says that Blair performed brilliantly at the Chilcot inquiry but Iraq remains a terrible legacy for him. Labour has learned the lessons of the war and has a new multilateral foreign policy.

4. Another act in the Leader's Tragedy (Independent on Sunday)

John Rentoul argues that Blair's failure to pay his respects to the fallen at the Chilcot inquiry was a mistake. In order to defend his historical reputation, he needed to engage more with the arguments that informed his judgements.

5. Tony Blair sold the Iraq war on his judgement. His judgement was wrong (Observer)

A leading article in the Observer, which supported the invasion at the time, says that Blair's decision was wrong. The methods used to take Britain to war perverted democracy and the law.

6. The danger for Cameron in a feeble recovery (Sunday Times)

A leader warns the Tories that Labour appears to benefiting from the gradual economic recovery. David Cameron must prevent his party members from being seen as dangerous and irresponsible cutters.

7. It's all aboard the gravy train for Network Rail bosses (Observer)

Nick Cohen argues that Network Rail, where bosses earn up to £1.2m a year, is another example of private affluence at public expense. Britain is the only European country to allow a fragmented privatised rail network.

8. Trust has been the biggest casualty of the Iraq affair (Sunday Telegraph)

Richard Dannatt says that never again must the armed forces be placed in a position where they doubt the integrity of the government.

9. The real north-south divide crippling Britain (Sunday Times)

Rigid national pay scales are undermining public-service reform, argues Alison Wolf. In the coming years, national bargaining will make rational cost-cutting impossible.

10. Inequality in Britain isn't down to class but brains (Sunday Telegraph)

Alasdair Palmer says that IQ, not social class, is the best predictor for income and status.

 

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Labour's establishment suspects a Momentum conspiracy - they're right

Bernie Sanders-style organisers are determined to rewire the party's machine.  

If you wanted to understand the basic dynamics of this year’s Labour leadership contest, Brighton and Hove District Labour Party is a good microcosm. On Saturday 9 July, a day before Angela Eagle was to announce her leadership bid, hundreds of members flooded into its AGM. Despite the room having a capacity of over 250, the meeting had to be held in three batches, with members forming an orderly queue. The result of the massive turnout was clear in political terms – pro-Corbyn candidates won every position on the local executive committee. 

Many in the room hailed the turnout and the result. But others claimed that some in the crowd had engaged in abuse and harassment.The national party decided that, rather than first investigate individuals, it would suspend Brighton and Hove. Add this to the national ban on local meetings and events during the leadership election, and it is easy to see why Labour seems to have an uneasy relationship with mass politics. To put it a less neutral way, the party machine is in a state of open warfare against Corbyn and his supporters.

Brighton and Hove illustrates how local activists have continued to organise – in an even more innovative and effective way than before. On Thursday 21 July, the week following the CLP’s suspension, the local Momentum group organised a mass meeting. More than 200 people showed up, with the mood defiant and pumped up.  Rather than listen to speeches, the room then became a road test for a new "campaign meetup", a more modestly titled version of the "barnstorms" used by the Bernie Sanders campaign. Activists broke up into small groups to discuss the strategy of the campaign and then even smaller groups to organise action on a very local level. By the end of the night, 20 phonebanking sessions had been planned at a branch level over the following week. 

In the past, organising inside the Labour Party was seen as a slightly cloak and dagger affair. When the Labour Party bureaucracy expelled leftwing activists in past decades, many on went further underground, organising in semi-secrecy. Now, Momentum is doing the exact opposite. 

The emphasis of the Corbyn campaign is on making its strategy, volunteer hubs and events listings as open and accessible as possible. Interactive maps will allow local activists to advertise hundreds of events, and then contact people in their area. When they gather to phonebank in they will be using a custom-built web app which will enable tens of thousands of callers to ring hundreds of thousands of numbers, from wherever they are.

As Momentum has learned to its cost, there is a trade-off between a campaign’s openness and its ability to stage manage events. But in the new politics of the Labour party, in which both the numbers of interested people and the capacity to connect with them directly are increasing exponentially, there is simply no contest. In order to win the next general election, Labour will have to master these tactics on a much bigger scale. The leadership election is the road test. 

Even many moderates seem to accept that the days of simply triangulating towards the centre and getting cozy with the Murdoch press are over. Labour needs to reach people and communities directly with an ambitious digital strategy and an army of self-organising activists. It is this kind of mass politics that delivered a "no" vote in Greece’s referendum on the terms of the Eurozone bailout last summer – defying pretty much the whole of the media, business and political establishment. 

The problem for Corbyn's challenger, Owen Smith, is that many of his backers have an open problem with this type of mass politics. Rather than investigate allegations of abuse, they have supported the suspension of CLPs. Rather than seeing the heightened emotions that come with mass mobilisations as side-effects which needs to be controlled, they have sought to joins unconnected acts of harassment, in order to smear Jeremy Corbyn. The MP Ben Bradshaw has even seemed to accuse Momentum of organising a conspiracy to physically attack Labour MPs.

The real conspiracy is much bigger than that. Hundreds of thousands of people are arriving, enthusiastic and determined, into the Labour party. These people, and their ability to convince the communities of which they are a part, threaten Britain’s political equilibrium, both the Conservatives and the Labour establishment. When the greatest hope for Labour becomes your greatest nightmare, you have good call to feel alarmed.