Morning Call: pick of the comment

The ten must-read pieces from this morning's papers

1. Haiti is real life, not an episode of Thunderbirds (Times)

David Aaronovitch argues that there are formidable obstacles to delivering aid in Haiti. Until we develop more sophisticated forms of global co-operation we cannot expect to do much better than we have done.

2. In America's new cyberwar Google is on the front line (Guardian)

Google's clash with China shines a light on the hidden world of cybersecurity, writes Misha Glenny.

3. There's plenty of fuel, but it's going to cost us (Daily Mail)

Vince Cable says the future energy problem is not huge disruption, nor running out of supplies, but cost.

4. Class war is so last week for new Gordon Brown (Times)

Brown must be braver about school reform if he is not to find this centre ground seized from him by David Cameron, argues Rachel Sylvester.

5. Family life is a vipers' nest politicians should not poke (Guardian)

Polly Toynbee says that Cameron's plan to offer tax breaks for married couples is "unjust nonsense", but warns that Labour may struggle to win support for its stance on the family.

6. Welcome. Are you a lickspittle or a loner? (Times)

The Labour MP Chris Mullin offers advice to new party candidates.

7. Class war is meaningless when all politicians belong to an elite (Independent)

Dominic Lawson argues that "class war" has little meaning when Gordon Brown's background must seem as remote as David Cameron's to anyone near the bottom of the social heap.

8. Our prisons are in crisis, but there is a get-out-of-jail-free card (Daily Telegraph)

Mary Riddell says that the recession provides politicians with a chance to reform a penal system that is too blind and too brutal to cope with the tide of human rejects thrown its way.

9. Do the Tories get top marks? Not yet . . . (Independent)

The Tories have failed to explain how they will attract more top graduates into teaching without spending a load of extra cash, says Steve Richards.

10. When our economic interests are at stake, the war on nature resumes (Guardian)

George Monbiot says that a planned badger cull highlights man's urge to dominate the natural landscape.

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How can Britain become a nation of homeowners?

David Cameron must unlock the spirit of his postwar predecessors to get the housing market back on track. 

In the 1955 election, Anthony Eden described turning Britain into a “property-owning democracy” as his – and by extension, the Conservative Party’s – overarching mission.

60 years later, what’s changed? Then, as now, an Old Etonian sits in Downing Street. Then, as now, Labour are badly riven between left and right, with their last stay in government widely believed – by their activists at least – to have been a disappointment. Then as now, few commentators seriously believe the Tories will be out of power any time soon.

But as for a property-owning democracy? That’s going less well.

When Eden won in 1955, around a third of people owned their own homes. By the time the Conservative government gave way to Harold Wilson in 1964, 42 per cent of households were owner-occupiers.

That kicked off a long period – from the mid-50s right until the fall of the Berlin Wall – in which home ownership increased, before staying roughly flat at 70 per cent of the population from 1991 to 2001.

But over the course of the next decade, for the first time in over a hundred years, the proportion of owner-occupiers went to into reverse. Just 64 percent of households were owner-occupier in 2011. No-one seriously believes that number will have gone anywhere other than down by the time of the next census in 2021. Most troublingly, in London – which, for the most part, gives us a fairly accurate idea of what the demographics of Britain as a whole will be in 30 years’ time – more than half of households are now renters.

What’s gone wrong?

In short, property prices have shot out of reach of increasing numbers of people. The British housing market increasingly gets a failing grade at “Social Contract 101”: could someone, without a backstop of parental or family capital, entering the workforce today, working full-time, seriously hope to retire in 50 years in their own home with their mortgage paid off?

It’s useful to compare and contrast the policy levers of those two Old Etonians, Eden and Cameron. Cameron, so far, has favoured demand-side solutions: Help to Buy and the new Help to Buy ISA.

To take the second, newer of those two policy innovations first: the Help to Buy ISA. Does it work?

Well, if you are a pre-existing saver – you can’t use the Help to Buy ISA for another tax year. And you have to stop putting money into any existing ISAs. So anyone putting a little aside at the moment – not going to feel the benefit of a Help to Buy ISA.

And anyone solely reliant on a Help to Buy ISA – the most you can benefit from, if you are single, it is an extra three grand from the government. This is not going to shift any houses any time soon.

What it is is a bung for the only working-age demographic to have done well out of the Coalition: dual-earner couples with no children earning above average income.

What about Help to Buy itself? At the margins, Help to Buy is helping some people achieve completions – while driving up the big disincentive to home ownership in the shape of prices – and creating sub-prime style risks for the taxpayer in future.

Eden, in contrast, preferred supply-side policies: his government, like every peacetime government from Baldwin until Thatcher’s it was a housebuilding government.

Why are house prices so high? Because there aren’t enough of them. The sector is over-regulated, underprovided, there isn’t enough housing either for social lets or for buyers. And until today’s Conservatives rediscover the spirit of Eden, that is unlikely to change.

I was at a Conservative party fringe (I was on the far left, both in terms of seating and politics).This is what I said, minus the ums, the ahs, and the moment my screensaver kicked in.

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.