Web Only: the best of the blogs

The five must-read blogs from today, on left-wing bloggers, Nigel Farage and Charles Clarke

1. The online left thinks 2010 will be their year

Guido Fawkes blogs on James Crabtree's NS piece and predicts that the growth of the online left could help "consign the Labour Party to irrelevance for a good while".

2. The Noughties were Britain's first Tory-free decade

Over at Next Left, Sunder Katwala notes that the Noughties were only the second decade in modern British political history (after the Eighties) of one-party rule.

3. Buckingham Tories ordered by CCHQ to campaign for John Bercow or stay silent

ConservativeHome's Tim Montgomerie blogs on David Cameron's warning that he will eject anyone found campaigning for Ukip's Nigel Farage at the next election.

4. 10 key Lib Dem questions for 2010

Over at Liberal Democrat Voice, Stephen Tall lists the ten key questions his party must answer next year.

5. No ifs, no buts: Gordon is here to stay -- so let's get on with it

LabourList's Jack Scott says that Charles Clarke has made a fool of himself by calling for Gordon Brown to resign (again). He warns: "Changing the leader doesn't make it any easier to change our country."

 

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What Jeremy Corbyn gets right about the single market

Technically, you can be outside the EU but inside the single market. Philosophically, you're still in the EU. 

I’ve been trying to work out what bothers me about the response to Jeremy Corbyn’s interview on the Andrew Marr programme.

What bothers me about Corbyn’s interview is obvious: the use of the phrase “wholesale importation” to describe people coming from Eastern Europe to the United Kingdom makes them sound like boxes of sugar rather than people. Adding to that, by suggesting that this “importation” had “destroy[ed] conditions”, rather than laying the blame on Britain’s under-enforced and under-regulated labour market, his words were more appropriate to a politician who believes that immigrants are objects to be scapegoated, not people to be served. (Though perhaps that is appropriate for the leader of the Labour Party if recent history is any guide.)

But I’m bothered, too, by the reaction to another part of his interview, in which the Labour leader said that Britain must leave the single market as it leaves the European Union. The response to this, which is technically correct, has been to attack Corbyn as Liechtenstein, Switzerland, Norway and Iceland are members of the single market but not the European Union.

In my view, leaving the single market will make Britain poorer in the short and long term, will immediately render much of Labour’s 2017 manifesto moot and will, in the long run, be a far bigger victory for right-wing politics than any mere election. Corbyn’s view, that the benefits of freeing a British government from the rules of the single market will outweigh the costs, doesn’t seem very likely to me. So why do I feel so uneasy about the claim that you can be a member of the single market and not the European Union?

I think it’s because the difficult truth is that these countries are, de facto, in the European Union in any meaningful sense. By any estimation, the three pillars of Britain’s “Out” vote were, firstly, control over Britain’s borders, aka the end of the free movement of people, secondly, more money for the public realm aka £350m a week for the NHS, and thirdly control over Britain’s own laws. It’s hard to see how, if the United Kingdom continues to be subject to the free movement of people, continues to pay large sums towards the European Union, and continues to have its laws set elsewhere, we have “honoured the referendum result”.

None of which changes my view that leaving the single market would be a catastrophe for the United Kingdom. But retaining Britain’s single market membership starts with making the argument for single market membership, not hiding behind rhetorical tricks about whether or not single market membership was on the ballot last June, when it quite clearly was. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.