DFID squeezes £70m from the private sector

Actis Capital complains of "strong arm" tactics

The Department for International Development has sold its 40 per cent stake in the emerging markets investment company it set up in 2004, Actis Capital. In return, DFID is receiving $10m in cash and a large share of future profits, expected to be worth over $100m over the next ten years.

The company was spun out of the Commonwealth Development Corporation when its managers paid £373,000 for 60 per cent of the business. It has gone on to become one of the world's leading private-equity firms specialising in emerging markets, but in that time the revenue to the taxpayer for its minority share has been zero.

Despite the fact that DFID was supposed to receive 80 per cent of the company's profits, no payments were made, because the company had set up a charitable arm which reduced reported profits to zero. In 2011, Andrew Mitchell, the secretary of state for international development, told the Commons that he was "amazed and surprised at the way the management of Actis have so enthusiastically exploited the taxpayer's position."

What is fascinating about this sell-off is that Mitchell apparently decided that, since Actis' managers weren't playing fair, he wasn't going to either. The government's financial adviser suggested that its share in Actis was worth between $3m and nothing, yet they managed to get almost forty times that. The BBC's Robert Peston reports how:

It is understood that Mr Mitchell - a former banker at Lazard - threatened to use the government's residual shareholding to frustrate the smooth operation of the business. For example he has the right to veto the appointment of Actis's chair and one non-executive.

The government will have been emboldened by the political background of the Actis spin-off, since the Conservatives have always maintained that Gordon Brown privatised it for far below its fair value; yet from a party which is so often accused of using privatisation to give "hand-outs" to private-sector allies, it is rather refreshing to see genuine antagonism.

DFID secretary, Andrew Mitchell. Photograph: Getty Images

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

Photo: Getty
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Theresa May is paying the price for mismanaging Boris Johnson

The Foreign Secretary's bruised ego may end up destroying Theresa May. 

And to think that Theresa May scheduled her big speech for this Friday to make sure that Conservative party conference wouldn’t be dominated by the matter of Brexit. Now, thanks to Boris Johnson, it won’t just be her conference, but Labour’s, which is overshadowed by Brexit in general and Tory in-fighting in particular. (One imagines that the Labour leadership will find a way to cope somehow.)

May is paying the price for mismanaging Johnson during her period of political hegemony after she became leader. After he was betrayed by Michael Gove and lacking any particular faction in the parliamentary party, she brought him back from the brink of political death by making him Foreign Secretary, but also used her strength and his weakness to shrink his empire.

The Foreign Office had its responsibility for negotiating Brexit hived off to the newly-created Department for Exiting the European Union (Dexeu) and for navigating post-Brexit trade deals to the Department of International Trade. Johnson was given control of one of the great offices of state, but with no responsibility at all for the greatest foreign policy challenge since the Second World War.

Adding to his discomfort, the new Foreign Secretary was regularly the subject of jokes from the Prime Minister and cabinet colleagues. May likened him to a dog that had to be put down. Philip Hammond quipped about him during his joke-fuelled 2017 Budget. All of which gave Johnson’s allies the impression that Johnson-hunting was a licensed sport as far as Downing Street was concerned. He was then shut out of the election campaign and has continued to be a marginalised figure even as the disappointing election result forced May to involve the wider cabinet in policymaking.

His sense of exclusion from the discussions around May’s Florence speech only added to his sense of isolation. May forgot that if you aren’t going to kill, don’t wound: now, thanks to her lost majority, she can’t afford to put any of the Brexiteers out in the cold, and Johnson is once again where he wants to be: centre-stage. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.