US press: pick of the papers

The ten must-read opinion pieces from today's US papers.

1. The rich get even richer (New York Times)

The only way to redress the income imbalance is by implementing policies that are oriented toward reversing the forces that caused it, says Steven Rattner.

2. Jeb Bush and Republican amnesia (Chicago Tribube)

When Bobby and Teddy Kennedy ran for president, they did everything they could to evoke memories of brother Jack. If Jeb were to run, he'd have to treat George W. like the crazy uncle at Thanksgiving dinner, writes Steve Chapman.

3. "Romneycare": GOP albatross or asset? (Politico)

Since he orchestrated and then signed the Massachusetts health care law, Romney is uniquely qualified to lead the GOP attacks against the federal health care reform bill, write Paul Goldman and Mark Rozell.

4. North Korea's dehumanizing treatment of its citizens is hiding in plain sight (Washington Post)

South Koreans, living in freedom, also fear a North Korean collapse  -- not only for the potential financial cost but also because they sense how different their erstwhile countrymen have become, writes Fred Hiatt.

5. Health care on the line in Supreme Court case (San Francisco Chronicle)

This editorial says the questions are: Does Washington have the right to require citizens to have health insurance or pay a penalty, as Democrats assert? Or is this mandate an overreach, at odds with constitutional limits on governmental power, as Republicans claim?

6. The right's Etch a Sketch imperative (Washington Post)

Conservatives will need an exceptionally powerful Etch a Sketch to wipe the nation's memory clean of the education it received during the 2012 campaign's most enlightening week so far, writes E.J. Dionne Jr.

7. Lobbyists, guns and money (New York Times)

Florida's now-infamous Stand Your Ground law, which lets you shoot someone you consider threatening without facing arrest, let alone prosecution, sounds crazy -- and it is, writes Paul Krugman.

8. Afghan killing spree points to deeper problems (Chicago Tribune)

Congress needs to prod the Obama administration to put a limit on how much is demanded of the limited number of military men and women whose lives are being repeatedly disrupted, while the rest of us go about our normal business, writes Leonard Pitts Jr.

9. Is the Obama administration's energy policy credible? Yes (Denver Post)

The facts are clear. President Obama is invested in our long-term energy independence that will free us from the volatile global oil market and save consumers money at the pump, says Frederico Pena.

10. Evangelicals seek positive change (USA Today)

More evangelicals are breaking formation and tackling social problems such as poverty and human trafficking that weren't on the evangelical political agenda a decade or two ago, writes Tom Krattenmaker.

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Philip Hammond's house gaffe is a reminder of what the Tories lost when David Cameron left

The Chancellor of the Exchequer's blunder confirmed an old fear about the Conservative Party. 

Philip Hammond got into a spot of bother this morning describing the need for a transitional agreement with the European Union by comparing it to moving into a house, saying: "you don't necessarily move all your furniture in on the first day you buy it”.

This immediately surprised a lot of people, because for most people, you do, in fact, move all of your furniture in on the first day you buy a house. Or rent a house, or a flat, or whatever. Most people who buy houses are part of housing chains – that is, they sell their house to raise some of the capital to buy another one, or, if they are first-time buyers, they are moving from the private rented sector into a house or flat of their own.

They don’t, as a rule, have a spare bolthole for “all their furniture” to wait around in. Hammond’s analogy accidentally revealed two things – he is rich, and he owns more than one home. (I say “revealed”. Obviously these are things you can find out by checking the register of members’ interests, but they are, at least, things that are not immediately obvious hearing Hammond speak.)

That spoke to one major and recurring Conservative weakness: that people see them as a party solely for the rich. Focus groups conducted by BritainThinks consistently showed that when people were asked which group of TV families might vote Conservative, the only one that people consistently picked were the “posh couple” from GoggleBox.

David Cameron’s great achievement as Conservative leader was in winning two elections – the first, in 2010, the most successful night for the Conservatives since 1931, with 97 gains overall, the second, their first parliamentary majority for 23 years – despite being a graduate of Eton and Oxford leading a party that most voters fear will only look out for the rich.

He did it by consistently speaking and acting as if he were significantly less well-to-do than he was. Even his supposed 2013 gaffe when asked what the price of bread was – when he revealed that he preferred to use a breadmaker – projected a more down-to-earth image than his background suggested His preferred breadmaker cost a hundred quid and could easily have been found in any upper-middle class home in any part of his country. One of Cameron’s great successes was in presenting himself as an affable upper-middle-class dad to the nation, when he was in fact, well-to-do enough to employ a literal breadmaker had he so chosen.

This is slightly unfair on Philip Hammond who went to a state school in Essex and is by any measure less posh than Cameron. But his gaffe speaks to their big post Cameron problem (and indeed their big pre-Cameron problem) which is that while many conservative ideas are popular, the Conservative Party isn’t. Most of their big politicians are a turn-off, not a turn-on.

And until they can find a genuine replacement for David Cameron, miserable results like 2017 may become the norm, rather than the exception. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.

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