Is this a transgression too far for Herman Cain?

The former businessman is "reassessing" his campaign amid the allegation of a 13 year affair.

It looks like the campaign of Herman '9-9-9' Cain could have been dealt a final coup de grace following revelations of a 13-year affair with businesswoman Ginger White. In a message to supoprters, Cain has said he will "reassess" the future of his campaign.

These have been a tumultuous few weeks for the former Godfather's Pizza CEO. After unexpectedly becoming the frontrunner in the Republican race, a series of sexual harassment allegations from his past surfaced, seriously denting his poll lead. Cain did his best to brush them off, but White's claims might be harder to discount.

Cain, who strongly refutes White's allegations ("I deny those charges, unequivocally"), previously claimed that the sexual harassment charges were a "witch-hunt" and a "smear campaign" aimed at sabotaging his poll lead. It appears that this approach may have encouraged White to speak out. She told an American TV network:

It bothered me that they were being demonised, sort of ... they were treated as if they were automatically lying, and the burden of proof was on them. I felt bad for them.

If the allegations are proved to be true, it is surprising that Cain's campaign were so blind to these lurking scandals, and that there was no contingency plan in place. Perhaps this is the down side of the very thing that attracted his supporters -- his status as a Washington outsider.

Cain has attempted to discredit her, but the veracity of the claim may be largely irrelevant (as he recognised in his statement, the damage could be done: "We have to do an assessment as to whether or not this is going to create too much of a cloud, in some people's minds"). Cain's main support base is the ultra-conservative and anti-Washington Tea Party, who were attracted by his unconventional approach. This transgression of the Seventh Commandment may be a step too far for these religious conservatives.

While Cain insists that the Cain Train is a still-a-rolling -- "9-9-9, 9-9-9. We're doing fine." -- the question remains as to who his supporters will flock to next should his campaign, as expected, concede defeat.

Rick Perry is a likely contender for those votes, as the gap between Cain and current favourite Newt Gingritch seems too hard to bridge. But for Mitt Romney, the chance to run against Obama in 2012 is getting closer and closer. All his campaign has to do is keep up the momentum, keep their heads down, and watch everyone else destroy themselves.

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“Journalists are too scared to come”: Refugees on the forgotten war in Yemen

Only the few who have managed to flee the war-torn country can reveal the suffering of those left behind.

Last weekend’s BBC Our World report on the humanitarian crisis caused by the Yemen civil war highlighted that not only is the conflict a forgotten war, it is also an unknown war. Since war broke out 18 months ago in March 2015, surprisingly little has been written about the conflict, despite its similarity to ongoing and widely-reported other conflicts in the region, such as the Syrian crisis.

The main conflict in Yemen is taking place between forces allied to the President, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, and those loyal to Zaidi Shia rebels known as Houthis, who forced Hadi to flee the capital city Sana’a in February. The loyalties of Yemen’s security forces are split, with some units backing President Hadi and others his predecessor Ali Abdullah Saleh, who is seen as the leader of the Houthi forces.

While these two forces have been at war, separate terrorist groups have been gaining more and more influence on the ground. Opposed by both the Houthis and Hadi’s forces, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) have staged deadly attacks from strongholds in the south and south-east. They are also opposed by Islamic State, which has claimed responsibility for a number of suicide bombings in Sana’a.

After rebel forces closed in on the president's southern stronghold of Aden in late March, a coalition led by Saudi Arabia responded to a request by Hadi to intervene and launched air strikes on Houthi targets.

I have spent the last couple of months working in the “Jungle” refugee camp in Calais, home to refugees from Sudan, Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Eritrea, Somalia – to name just a few. Having heard very little about the civil war, I was surprised to meet a handful of Yemeni men living inside the camp.

Hussein*, 28, is a film producer and dancer from Yemen who fled the country two years ago and has travelled through 11 countries to reach the Calais camp, where he has been living for just over a month. In a mixture of English and French, he tells me how groups of Houthi militia forcibly try to confiscate cameras and notebooks from both local and international journalists. He knows local journalists, friends of his, who have been threatened, tortured and even killed by Houthi forces.

He pulls out his phone and shows me a picture of his friend, Mohammed, who worked as a photojournalist, documenting brutality as a result of the war. Mohammed’s friends and family have not heard from him since April; the best-case scenario is that he is being detained, but Hussein seems pretty certain that he is dead. As a result, many who otherwise would have reported on the conflict have fled from besieged cities such as Sana’a, Aden and Taiz to the relative safety of the countryside in the north of the country, or have left Yemen altogether.

His friend Jamil, with whom he shares a tent, adds: “from other countries journalists [they are] too scared to come”. He claims that there are only “five or seven” foreign journalists in the capital city, Sana’a and tells me about journalists from the UK, France and the US who, after spending days being held up by countless militarised checkpoints while trying to reach the main cities, are then interrogated and detained by Houthi forces. If they are let go, they are harassed throughout their visit by National Security officers.

After watching his mother die during an airstrike in the city of Hodaida in January, Jamil took the decision to flee Yemen and claim asylum in Europe. He is worried about his father and his friends who are still in Yemen, especially after hearing reports that random border closures and cancelled domestic flights have been preventing crucial aid convoys of food, medical supplies and trained aid workers from accessing the citizens who are desperately in need of humanitarian assistance. Jamil reminds me that Yemen was in economic crisis even before war broke out, with widespread famine and limited access to healthcare or clean water.

Movement within the country is restricted and dangerous, and in the last twelve months alone, four Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) facilities have been attacked and destroyed by airstrikes. Writing on 15 September 15, MSF head of mission in Yemen, Hassan Bouceninem spoke of:

“Other health centers, schools, markets, bridges . . . [that] have been attacked and destroyed by airstrikes, shelling, or bombs. Such attacks create direct victims but the war (economic failure, access problems, closing of hospitals, no health staff etc.) also causes a lot of indirect victims within the population.”

Such widespread instability and the resultant lack of access for journalists and aid workers means that it is difficult for the world to know how much Yemen is suffering. Only by speaking to the few who have managed to flee can even begin to grasp the realities of daily life for those left behind.

*Names have been changed to protect the identities of our sources.

Neha Shah has been volunteering in the Calais camp.