Beltway Briefing

The top five stories from US politics today.

 

1. Sarah Palin was in Iowa today -- not for electioneering, but for the premiere of Undefeated, a new documentary about her. Outside the Pella Opera House, she refused to elaborate on her daughter's statement on Fox and Friends yesterday that her mother had "definitely" made up her mind about whether she will run.

"What exactly did Bristol say?" she said. "I texted Bristol, I said 'What did you say this morning, honey?' What I told Bristol, too, I said, 'What is talked about on the fishing boat stays on the fishing boat.'"

She also said that she is "not ready to announce anything yet" about a possible candidacy.

2. Speculation continues, too, about the intentions of Texas Governor Rick Perry. He will be in California this week, holding private meetings with Republican leaders, potential fundraisers and legislators.

Tomorrow morning, he will meet with business leaders in Beverly Hills, a city which is a rich source of campaign funding. Later, he will meet with GOP leaders in Newport Beach, before meeting Republican legislators in Sacramento.

While a spokesman says that the trip has nothing to do with the 2012 campaign, this programme of meetings appears to say otherwise.

3. Michele Bachmann has styled herself "American Girl" of the presidential race, as the grassroots Tea Party candidate, and used the 1977 hit song at the end of two speeches this week in Waterloo, Iowa, where she formally kicked off her campaign. But if reports are to be believed, she won't be able to use it as her theme for long. According to the Los Angeles Times, Tom Petty has told Bachmann that he doesn't want her to use his song at campaign events.

She is not alone -- Petty was also reported to refuse George W Bush's request to use his song "I Won't Back Down". If you are still in any doubt about the singer's political orientation, Hillary Clinton used "American Girl" at events when she was running for the Democratic nomination in 2008. Petty did not object.

4. The Democratic super PAC Priorities USA launched a television advert today in Colorado, Florida, Iowa, North Carolina and Virginia (states thought to be competitive in the next election), rebutting claims made in an ad by Crossroads GPS, an independent conservative group founded by Karl Rove.

The $5m Crossroads ad -- released on Monday -- blamed President Barack Obama for the unemployment rate, national debt, and high gas prices.

The Priorities USA ad, which by contrast cost in the region of $750,000, calls this "politics at its worst".

5. Herman Cain, the Republican presidential candidate, will publish a book detailing his life and career as the former CEO of Godfather's Pizza.

The memoir will be called Who is Herman Cain? and is set for release in October.

A statement released by the publisher said:

The recent Republican debate in New Hampshire introduced Herman Cain as a Presidential candidate, yet little is known about his impressive background. A proud 'outsider' in the political arena, Cain created his name in corporate America rather than on Capitol Hill, through four decades spent revitalizing business in the private sector.

Unfortunately, he is still polling in low single-digit numbers, though.

Samira Shackle is a freelance journalist, who tweets @samirashackle. She was formerly a staff writer for the New Statesman.

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Yanis Varoufakis: The left never recovered from the fall of the Soviet Union — yet there is hope

A radical internationalism is needed to democratise the EU and breathe new life into the left.

The left has been in disarray since 1991 – it never fully recovered from the collapse of the Soviet Union, despite widespread opposition to Stalinism and ­authoritarianism. In the past two decades, we have witnessed a major spasm of global capitalism that has triggered a long deflationary period across the United States and Europe. Just as the Great Depression did in the 1930s, this has created a breeding ground for xenophobia, racism and scapegoating.

The rise of centrism is also partly to blame. For a period in the late 1990s, it seemed that this had become the new doctrine of the left. In Britain, New Labour under Tony Blair was never part of the left. Margaret Thatcher was delighted by the manner in which his governments copied her policies and adopted her neoliberal mantra, though she did ask the question: if you want to vote for a Conservative, why not vote for a real one instead?

Parties such as New Labour, the Socialists in France and the Social Democrats in Germany might have called themselves the radical centre, but that was just labelling. What was happening under the surface was that the progressive parties of the left were being lured into financialisation. In the 1960s and 1970s the centre left was aware of its duty to act as a mediator between industrial capital and labour. Harold Wilson’s Labour Party, Willy Brandt’s Social Democrats in Germany and others understood that their duty was to strike a grand bargain whereby industrial capital ceded to workers’ demands for higher wages and better conditions, while they agreed to help fund the welfare state.

From the mid-1980s onwards, the left-wing leadership abandoned this duty. Industrial capital was in decline and it was much easier to look towards the super-profits of the City of London and the global banks. A Faustian pact was made with the financial sector – European governments turned a blind eye to what the bankers were doing and offered them further deregulation in exchange for a few crumbs from their table to fund welfare. This is what Tony Blair and Gordon Brown did in Britain, Gerhard Schröder did in Germany and the Socialists did in France. Then the financial crisis struck. At that point, social democrats throughout Europe lacked the moral strength and analytical power to tell bankers that although they would salvage the banks, their reign was over.

The best hope for the left is to come together to defeat the worst enemy of European democracy: “Euro-tina”, the reactionary dogma that “there is no alternative” to the continent’s current policies. Hence the EU’s true democratisation is the only alternative. This is what my collaborators and I hope to achieve with our new Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25). We are compiling a new economic agenda for Europe, which will answer the question I am asked on the streets everywhere I go, from Sweden to the UK: what can we do better within the EU? If the answer is “nothing”, the Brexiteers have a point – we might as well blow the whole thing up and start afresh. The alternative to the “Year Zero” approach is to recalibrate European institutions in the context of a practical and comprehensive agenda comprised of policies that will stabilise Europe’s social economy.

The EU institutions are anti-Europeanist and contemptuous of democracy. People might wonder: if that is the case, why am I arguing to stay in, but against the Union? In response, I ask those who support the left-wing argument in favour of Brexit: since when has the British state been a friend of the working class? Never. And yet their argument is: do not dismantle it. The nation state was created to promote a fictitious notion of a national interest to co-opt labour and those on the fringes of society – the “lumpenproletariat”, as we once called them. The left understands that it is not our job to destroy institutions. Instead, we struggle to take them over and use them for good. I cut my political teeth protesting against the Greek state but I do not believe that it should be dismantled and the same argument applies to the EU.

Good people who are motivated to change society often fall out with each other. I am reminded of a scene in Monty Python’s Life of Brian – when the Judaean People’s Front confronts the People’s Front of Judaea and the Popular Front of Judaea. DiEM25’s task is to try to convince our fellow left-wingers that the solution is a pan-European unity movement. A concrete example of the power that this can have is the election of Barcelona’s new mayor, Ada Colau. A DiEM25 supporter, she won the race against the odds,
having started her career running a protest movement that championed the rights of citizens threatened with eviction because they were unable to pay their mortgages.

The Syriza government, in which I served as finance minister from January to July 2015, failed to achieve change because we ended up disunited and the prime minister capitulated to the EU at the moment when he had a mandate from the Greek people to do the opposite. My hope was that if Syriza had carried on with the struggle, we would have been a catalyst for movements across Europe (such as the one that has fuelled the rise of Jeremy Corbyn) to join us.

The capitulation of Alexis Tsipras was a hefty blow to the concept of radical inter­nationalism, but I still believe that internationalism offers the solution to the problems facing Europe in this deflationary era. The number of good-quality jobs has decreased, investment is depressed and optimism about the future is being destroyed. It is the left’s duty to do all we can to end this. If we can explain to the masses what the sources of their discontent are, we have a chance to breathe new life into the left. There are no guarantees – just a chance.

This is the latest article in our “New Times” special series

This article first appeared in the 29 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, May’s new Tories