Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. The world is stuck in a vicious cycle (Financial Times)

Without a full course of treatment, the economic patient risks relapse, writes Lawrence Summers.

2. Andrew Mitchell should be gone by Wednesday (Guardian)

David Cameron can't sit this one out, says Jackie Ashley. The 'pleb' row has changed how voters see his party and is turning into a calamity.

3. BAE Systems, arms traders, and how the sordid greed of some of our rulers knows no bounds (Independent)

We will never be able to challenge the hold of British arms companies until their links with the establishment are severed, says Owen Jones.

4. Go for the common ground, not the centre (Times) (£)

You can be Eurosceptic and still love the NHS, writes Tim Montgomerie. The Tories can win if they say so.

5. Occupy was right – all the church could say was 'go home' (Guardian)

When the protest began exactly one year ago, the Church of England should also have been angry about the financial crisis, writes Giles Fraser.

6. Don’t honour a Brussels office block – give the Nobel to Maggie (Daily Telegraph)

Britain’s former prime minister has done far more than the EU to foster peace in Europe, argues Boris Johnson.

7.  George Osborne is still in denial over his failing strategy (Guardian)

The IMF's downgrade of its forecast for Britain shows how reckless it is for the chancellor to press on with austerity, says Ed Balls.

8. Too many wrongs made by a Wright over Hillsborough (Sun)

Four crucial witnesses may never have spoken publicly about the deceit peddled to them by South Yorkshire Police, writes Trevor Kavanagh.

9. Mexico is forgotten story of US election (Financial Times)

Americans only think of their neighbour as a law and order problem, says Edward Luce.

10. Will Murdoch move backfire on top Tory? (Daily Mail)

It defies belief that Maria Miller has not distanced herself from the Murdoch clan, writes Andrew Pierce.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.