Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. The new cabinet: shuffling to the right (Guardian)

The reshuffle will stir searching questions for the dwindling band of progressives who have until now given this government the benefit of the doubt, says a Guardian editorial.

2. Mr Cameron throws down the gauntlet (Daily Mail)

The biggest question of all is how the new Tory team will fare against entrenched Lib Dem resistance, says a Daily Mail editorial.

3. Obstacles removed. Now get on and govern (Times) (£)

By moving a few big beasts and tweaking the lower ranks, Cameron has created a team more in his own image, writes Daniel Finkelstein.

4. What a reshuffle. It's the return of Brown and Blair (Guardian)

David Cameron can wail, but he is the real ditherer – ever more Tony Blair to George Osborne's Gordon Brown, says Simon Jenkins.

5. Belfast riots are price of poor politics (Independent)

Riots on the streets of Belfast look alarmingly like a return to the bad old days, says an Independent editorial.

6. Memo to ministers – ignore the briefing (Financial Times)

The newcomers need to take a calculated risk and settle on a main priority, writes James Purnell.

7. Hard graft can make Britain great again (Daily Telegraph)

We need to take a long, hard look at the policies that discourage the strivers in our society, says Dominic Raab.

8. Chancellors are supposed to be hated – it's part of their job (Independent)

The general squeeze will not relent, writes Hamish McRae. Finance ministers will be unpopular.

9. Merkel’s good politics and bad economics (Financial Times)

Draghi’s medicine may deliver short-term relief but no long-term cure, writes Josef Joffe.

10. Longer speeches only signal a hard slog ahead (Daily Telegraph)

The first day back at Holyrood suggests there's not much to look forward to this term, writes Alan Cochrane.

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Europe's elections show why liberals should avoid fatalism

France, Germany and the Netherlands suggest there is nothing inevitable about the right's advance.

Humans are unavoidably pattern-seeking creatures. We give meaning to disparate events where little or none may exist. So it is with Brexit and Donald Trump. The proximity of these results led to declarations of liberalism's demise. After decades of progress, the tide was said to have unavoidably turned.

Every election is now treated as another round in the great duel between libralism and populism. In the Netherlands, the perennial nativist Geert Wilders was gifted outsize attention in the belief that he could surf the Brexit-Trump wave to victory. Yet far from triumphing, the Freedom Party finished a distant second, increasing its seats total to 20 (four fewer than in 2010). Wilders' defeat was always more likely than not (and he would have been unable to form a government) but global events gifted him an aura of invincibility.

In France, for several years, Marine Le Pen has been likely to make the final round of the next presidential election. But it was only after Brexit and Trump's election that she was widely seen as a potential victor. As in 2002, the front républicain is likely to defeat the Front National. The winner, however, will not be a conservative but a liberal. According to the post-Trump narrative, Emmanuel Macron's rise should have been impossible. But his surge (albeit one that has left him tied with Le Pen in the first round) suggests liberalism is in better health than suggested.

In Germany, where the far-right Alternative für Deutschland was said to be remorselessly advancing, politics is returning to traditional two-party combat. The election of Martin Schulz has transformed the SPD's fortunes to the point where it could form the next government. As some Labour MPs resign themselves to perpeutal opposition, they could be forgiven for noting what a difference a new leader can make.

2016 will be forever remembered as the year of Brexit and Trump. Yet both events could conceivably have happened in liberalism's supposed heyday. The UK has long been the EU's most reluctant member and, having not joined the euro or the Schengen Zone, already had one foot outside the door. In the US, the conditions for the election of a Trump-like figure have been in place for decades. For all this, Leave only narrowly won and Hillary Clinton won three million more votes than her opponent. Liberalism is neither as weak as it is now thought, nor as strong as it was once thought.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.