Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Andrew Mitchell isn't the only Tory for whom this saga bodes ill. David Cameron is rightly worried too (Independent)

With elections for police commissioners on the horizon, the timing could hardly be worse for the Tories, says Steve Richards. Their new Chief Whip's job just got much harder.

2. Tax on wealth is true to Tory principles (Financial Times)

There is nothing Thatcherite about backing established wealth and there are not many votes in it, writes Janan Ganesh.

3. Osborne is sharpening his axe – but will Cameron let him use it? (Daily Telegraph)

Ministers wonder whether Cameron will be ready to defy those who insist that the economy cannot withstand any further reduction in demand, writes Benedict Brogan.

4. Mitt Romney and the myth of self-created millionaires (Guardian)

The parasitical ultra-rich often deny the role of others in the acquisition of their wealth – and even seek to punish them for it, says George Monbiot.

5. India is part of an upside-down world (Financial Times)

With more poor than Africa and more billionaires than Britain, the country is both rich and poor, writes Gideon Rachman.

6. Police v Mitchell: this looks a lot like revenge (Times) (£)

Regardless of who is right about ‘plebs’, just look at the track record of the police and you see the need for reform, says Hugo Rifkind.

7. This pleb jibe exposes the Tories' Flashman thinking (Guardian)

David Cameron and Andrew Mitchell rule for 'people like us', writes Polly Toynbee. The Lib Dems should never be complicit in their attacks on the poor.

8. The pensions revolution arriving by stealth (Daily Telegraph)

Half the country may not know it, but a huge change is coming in the way we pay for old age, says Philip Johnston.

9. The rich are paying their fair share (Independent)

The Lib Dems say we should tax the rich more, writes Dominic Lawson. But the numbers prove that would not address the real problem.

10. Hands off our homes (Guardian)

From London to the Lake District, the wealthy are buying properties they rarely use, writes Simon Hughes. Councils need powers to prevent this.

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Leader: Labour and the Brexit debacle

The party appears to favour having its cake and eating it – yet the dilemma is not insuperable.

In the year since a narrow majority of people voted to leave the European Union, the Brexit project has not aged well. Theresa May’s appeal to the electorate to “strengthen” her hand in negotiations was humiliatingly rejected in the general election. Having repeatedly warned of a “coalition of chaos” encompassing ­Labour and the Scottish National Party, the Prime Minister has been forced to strike a panicked parliamentary deal with the Democratic Unionist Party. European leaders have been left bewildered by events in the United Kingdom.

The Brexiteers, who won the referendum on a fraudulent prospectus, have struggled to cope with the burden of responsibility. In the manner of Dr Pangloss, they maintain that the UK will flourish outside the EU and that those who suggest otherwise are too pessimistic, or even unpatriotic. Yet wishful thinking is not a strategy. Though the immediate recession forecast by the Treasury has been avoided, the cost of Brexit is already being borne in squeezed living standards (owing to the pound’s depreciation) and delayed investment decisions.

At the same time, far from disintegrating as the most ardent Leavers predicted, the EU is recovering, with a revival of the Franco-German axis under Emmanuel Macron and Angela Merkel. Donald Trump’s antics have dispelled the illusion that “the Anglosphere” can function as an alternative to the bloc. Britain has embarked on the great task of withdrawal at a time of profound national and global instability.

For all this, the Brexiteers retain an indisputable mandate. What the Brexiteers have no mandate for is their model of withdrawal. And there is a nascent majority in the House of Commons for a “soft” exit. Roughly two-thirds of voters remain supportive of Brexit but they have no desire to harm the economy in the process. A recent YouGov survey found that 58 per cent believe Britain should trade freely with the EU, even at the cost of continued free movement into Britain.

In these circumstances, Labour has profited from ambiguity. Jeremy Corbyn’s promise to uphold the referendum result and to end free movement won the respect of Leavers in the election. His pro-migration rhetoric and promise of a “jobs-first” Brexit impressed Remainers, who were in the mood to give the Tories a bloody nose. Although Labour fell 64 seats short of a majority, it partly spanned a divide that had been considered unbridgeable.

Mr Corbyn’s desire to avoid the cross-party Brexit commission proposed by some commentators and MPs is understandable. As Ed Smith observes on page 22, Brexit is a metaphorical “plague” that contaminates all those who touch it, claiming one Conservative prime minister and fatally infecting another. The Tories, who inflicted an unnecessary EU referendum on the UK, must not redistribute the blame.

As the Brexit negotiations progress, however, Labour cannot maintain its opacity. While vowing to retain “the benefits of the single market and the customs union”, it has also pledged to “end” freedom of movement. Like the risible ­Boris Johnson, Labour appears to favour having its cake and eating it. Yet the dilemma is not insuperable.

The logical extension of the party’s vow to give the economy priority over immigration control is to support continued single-market membership. This is the most practical and reliable means of ensuring that Britain’s dominant services sector retains the access it requires. Membership of the customs union would ensure the same for manufacturers. Economic retreat from the EU, which accounts for 44 per cent of all UK exports, would unavoidably reduce growth and living standards.

Such an arrangement need not entail continued free movement, however. Under existing EU rules (not applied by the UK), immigrants resident for longer than three months must prove that they are working (employed or self-employed) or a registered student, or have “sufficient resources” to support themselves and not be “a burden on the benefits system”.

It falls to Labour, as a reinvigorated and increasingly popular opposition, to chart an alternative to the ideological Brexiteers on the Tory benches as well as in the virulent right-wing press. Is Mr Corbyn a covert Brexiteer? It does not really matter. What matters is that he leads a party of committed Europeans who have no wish to see Britain humiliated, its influence in the world reduced, and its economy damaged by the folly of the Brexit debacle. 

This article first appeared in the 29 June 2017 issue of the New Statesman, The Brexit plague

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