Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Clegg might be a pantomime act, but Cameron gave him the role (Daily Telegraph)

The Prime Minister is reaping the fallout from his generosity to Lib Dems after the election, says Iain Martin.

2. Stakes are unbearably high for Salmond and Cameron (Independent)

Were Scotland's First Minister to win the referendum on independence, it would be a devastating blow to the PM's authority, says Steve Richards.

3. Yes, but can we really imagine what it’s like? (Times) (£)

Being disabled is not heroic, as images from the Paralympics suggest, writes David Aaronovitch. We need empathy with the ordinary grind.

4. Republicans can end 15 years of US stupidity (Financial Times)

For the first time a VP selection has changed the campaign, writes Conrad Black.

5. Marikana is a turning point (Guardian)

The brutal exposure of South Africa's inequality may at last shock the governing elite out of its complacency, says William Gumede.

6. Lift-off from Heathrow is a flight of fancy (Daily Telegraph)

Tim Yeo's outburst has strengthened Justine Greening's position, says Sue Cameron.

7. Don’t make wealth tax a habit (Financial Times)

The Treasury can only pull off limited tricks of this kind, writes Howard Davies.

8. Lib Dems are ruthless – and the figures show Nick Clegg is a loser (Guardian)

With Vince Cable having said he is available, it seems the only question is when, not if, the party decides to oust its leader, writes Martin Kettle.

9. Clegg's risible display of student politics (Daily Mail)

The Deputy PM is hoping that a pathetic appeal to the politics of envy will please his activists and put distance between himself and the Tories, says a Daily Mail editorial.

10. It's not rhetoric to draw parallels with Nazism (Independent)

Actual fascists in actual black shirts are waving swastikas and murdering ethnic minorities in Athens, writes Laurie Penny.

Nicola Sturgeon. Photo: Getty
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For the first time in decades, there is genuine dissent in Scottish Nationalist ranks

The First Minister is facing pressure to talk less about independence - and bring on new talent in her party.

She so recently seemed all-powerful, licensed to reign for as long as she chose, with the authority to pursue the return of our national sovereignty. We would then have the ability to strike our own deals on our own terms, a smaller, smarter, leaner nation freed from the stifling constraints of partnership with a much larger neighbour. There was, she repeatedly told us, nothing to be afraid of.

Now, suddenly, she is the victim of her own miscalculation: having misread the public mood, having raced too far ahead of moderate opinion, she finds herself at bay. The voters have delivered a public humiliation, while an opposition party until recently lampooned as unelectable is on the march. There is, suddenly, talk of her departure sooner rather than later.

Yes, this is a tough time to be Nicola Sturgeon…

Let’s not overstate it. The position of Scotland’s First Minister is considerably more secure than that of the UK’s Prime Minister. Theresa May wants out as soon as is feasible; Sturgeon, one suspects, will have to be dragged from Bute House. Sturgeon retains enough respect among the public and support among her colleagues to plough on for now. Nevertheless, things are not what they were before the general election and are unlikely ever to return to that happy state.

It’s all because of Scexit, of course. Sturgeon’s unseemly sprint for the indy finishing line left enough Scottish voters feeling… what? Mistreated, taken for granted, rushed, patronised, bullied… so much so that they effectively used June 8 to deliver a second No vote. With the idea of another referendum hanging around like a bad headache, the electorate decided to stage an intervention. In just two years, Sturgeon lost 40 per cent of her Westminster seats and displaced half a million votes. One could almost argue that, by comparison, Theresa May did relatively well.

For the first time in decades, there is genuine dissent in Nationalist ranks. Tommy Sheppard, a former Labour Party official who is now an influential left-wing SNP MP, published an article immediately after the general election calling on the First Minister to ‘park’ a second referendum until the Brexit negotiations are complete. There are others who believe the party should rediscover its talent for the long game: accept the public mood is unlikely to change much before the 2021 devolved elections, at which point, even if the Nats remain the single largest party, Holyrood might find itself with a unionist majority; concentrate on improving the public services, show what might be done with all the powers of an independent nation, and wait patiently until the numbers change.

There are others – not many, but some – who would go further. They believe that Sturgeon should take responsibility for the election result, and should be looking to hand over to a new generation before 2021. The old guard has had its shot and its time: a party with veterans such as Sturgeon, John Swinney and Mike Russell in the key jobs looks too much like it did 20 years ago. Even the new Westminster leader, Ian Blackford, has been on the scene for donkey’s. There are more who believe that the iron grip the First Minister and her husband, SNP chief executive Peter Murrell, have on the party is unhealthy – that Murrell should carry the can for the loss of 21 MPs, and that he certainly would have done so if he weren’t married to the boss.

The most likely outcome, given what we know about the First Minister’s nature, is that she will choose something like the Sheppard route: talk less about independence for the next 18 months, see what the Brexit deal looks like, keep an eye on the polls and if they seem favourable go for a referendum in autumn 2019. The question is, can a wearied and increasingly cynical public be won round by then? Will people be willing to pile risk upon risk?

As the hot takes about Jeremy Corbyn’s surprise election performance continue to flood in, there has been a lot of attention given to the role played by young Britons. The issues of intergenerational unfairness, prolonged austerity and hard Brexit, coupled with Corbyn’s optimistic campaigning style, saw a sharp rise in turnout among that demographic. Here, Scotland has been ahead of the curve. In the 2014 referendum, the Yes campaign and its can-do spirit of positivity inspired huge enthusiasm among younger Scots. Indeed, only a large and slightly panicked defensive response from over-65s saved the union.

That brush with calamity seems to have been close enough for many people: many of the seats taken from the Nats by the Scottish Tories at the general election were rural, well-to-do and relatively elderly. The modern electorate is a fickle thing, but it remains rational. The Corbynites, amid their plans for total world domination and their ongoing festival of revenge, might bear that in mind.

Chris Deerin is the New Statesman's contributing editor (Scotland). 

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