Greece: apocalypse postponed?

The key question is whether Greece can retain the euro and reduce austerity.

After yesterday's Greek election it is clear that most of the country's voters want two things: for Greece to remain in the euro and for it to adopt a reduced pace of austerity. The key question today is whether these competing demands can be reconciled. All of the Greek parties, to varying degrees, are calling for an easing (or abandonment) of the bailout conditions, with both the victorious centre-right New Democracy and the third-placed centre-right PASOK demanding slower cuts, higher unemployment benefits and a reversal of the reduction in the minimum wage. They are also insistent that Greece must remain in the single currency (the exception being the communist KKE, which has called for the restoration of the drachma.)

The likelihood is that the country will now be led by a grand coalition of New Democracy-PASOK. Last night, PASOK insisted that it would not join a coalition without the presence of the left-wing Syriza, which finished second with 27 per cent of the vote, prompting some to raise the spectre of a third election. Syriza, which relishes the prospect of becoming the country's official opposition, has already ruled out joining any coalition. Who will broke the deadlock? Despite its reluctance to join a "bailout coalition" (seen as an act of electoral suicide), PASOK will almost certainly drop its insistence on the participation of Syriza and, at the very least, offer New Democracy "confidence and supply".

The question will then be whether the new government can extract more favourable terms from its EU creditors. There are some signs this morning that it may be able to do so. On the Today programme, German CDU politician Michael Fuchs suggested that Greece could be given more time to repay its debts. But at this stage, minor concessions will do little to alter Greece's fate. Germany must use the window of opportunity provided by the election to finally engage in fiscal stimulus and allow the European Central Bank to act as a lender of last resort. But so long as Merkel, the high priestess of austerity, remains wedded to her current course, the eurozone is destined for stagnation at best and collapse at worse.

New Democracy party leader, Antonis Samaras, smiles at supporters after his party came first in the country's general election. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Photo: Getty
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Can Philip Hammond save the Conservatives from public anger at their DUP deal?

The Chancellor has the wriggle room to get close to the DUP's spending increase – but emotion matters more than facts in politics.

The magic money tree exists, and it is growing in Northern Ireland. That’s the attack line that Labour will throw at Theresa May in the wake of her £1bn deal with the DUP to keep her party in office.

It’s worth noting that while £1bn is a big deal in terms of Northern Ireland’s budget – just a touch under £10bn in 2016/17 – as far as the total expenditure of the British government goes, it’s peanuts.

The British government spent £778bn last year – we’re talking about spending an amount of money in Northern Ireland over the course of two years that the NHS loses in pen theft over the course of one in England. To match the increase in relative terms, you’d be looking at a £35bn increase in spending.

But, of course, political arguments are about gut instinct rather than actual numbers. The perception that the streets of Antrim are being paved by gold while the public realm in England, Scotland and Wales falls into disrepair is a real danger to the Conservatives.

But the good news for them is that last year Philip Hammond tweaked his targets to give himself greater headroom in case of a Brexit shock. Now the Tories have experienced a shock of a different kind – a Corbyn shock. That shock was partly due to the Labour leader’s good campaign and May’s bad campaign, but it was also powered by anger at cuts to schools and anger among NHS workers at Jeremy Hunt’s stewardship of the NHS. Conservative MPs have already made it clear to May that the party must not go to the country again while defending cuts to school spending.

Hammond can get to slightly under that £35bn and still stick to his targets. That will mean that the DUP still get to rave about their higher-than-average increase, while avoiding another election in which cuts to schools are front-and-centre. But whether that deprives Labour of their “cuts for you, but not for them” attack line is another question entirely. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.

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