Should a leadership contender “trim” to win?
David Miliband’s dilemma has echoes of Ken Clarke’s own leadership bids.
By James Macintyre Published 25 August 2010 14:12
Yesterday, this blog touched on the question of whether David Miliband, in order to win the Labour leadership, could do more himself to shed the unfair "Blairite" tag hung round his neck by the media and his internal opponents.
Looking at the trailed sections of his big campaign speech this evening, I see no sign of him doing so: there is no indication, for example, of a fresh move to get out from under the shadow of Iraq. But we have yet to see the full text.
In some very real ways, this is admirable: there was something heroic -- even for those of us who firmly opposed the invasion in 2003 -- about the elder Miliband's refusal to trash it during the New Statesman hustings in June.
But, again, it must be said that he appears to be faced with a dilemma about whether to disown elements of his perceived past political heritage for the sake of further popularity in his own party, or stick by certain principles.
The man himself is said to be telling aides that he refuses to "pander" in this contest. "That would be the wrong thing to do," he has been heard saying. And he may be right.
Yet this reminds me of the dilemma -- at first sight similar -- faced by Kenneth Clarke during his three attempts to become leader of the Conservatives. Clarke's supporters, particularly in 2001, pleaded with him in private to "trim" his positive position on Europe, the one area that many of his fans still believe held him back from fulfilling his dream of becoming leader.
There is a crucial difference here, however: David Miliband is not actually the ideological "Blairite" that he is perceived to be, as any closer reading of his politics shows.
Yet all the more reason to make it clear -- including tonight -- how his own set of politics is unique.
He may be right not to pander. But he may have to trim to win.
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18 comments
I went to hear David Miliband speak tonight in London and I think he has a lot of qualities the make him probably the best candidate for Leader. Id be interested to here little Ed Miliband speak too to be able to compare but for the moment at least to me its clear the David Miliband will make the best leader.
"Pandering" and admitting a course of action is/was wrong are two very different things.
New Labour spent almost its entire existence 'pandering' to business, for example.
Admitting the Iraq intervention was wrong is a sine qua non for many rank and file Labour supporters in terms of deciding who to vote for (not necessarily me though, as I'm quite hopeful such an intervention won't happen again on the same terms, and I'm getting rather tired of Iraq defining a significant part of this race.)
As for 'trimming', in this context it would just be D Miliband playing for votes, and those with half a brain would see right through it. Indeed, it's little better than 'pandering'.
"there was something heroic -- even for those of us who firmly opposed the invasion in 2003 -- about the elder Miliband's refusal to trash it during the New Statesman hustings in June."
James, with all respect, you can't possibly be serious.
Defending a war of aggression which caused the deaths of hundreds of thousands, made millions refugees and shattered a society, out of loyalty to a political party, is *heroism*?! Its repugnant.
Lets be clear, he is pandering, and in a quintessentially Blairite way. He is pandering to a classically Blairite misconception of the nature of the electorate, and he is pandering to the received political wisdom of the elite classes that are funding his campaign so lavishly; also very Blairite.
What he is not "pandering" too is the views of the party he wants to lead and the interests of the public he seeks to govern.
What is becoming increasingly clear is that if Labour doesn't want to lose more than the 5 million votes and the thousands of party members already lost by New Labour "pragmatism", then this man, this New Labour throwback, simply is going to have to be stopped.
No.
@ David Wearing
Hear, hear!
Completely agree with David Wearing's comments. I'm increasingly worried about DM's vision of the party and by extension for the country; I'm also deeply depressed by it. I'm reminded of Nye Bevan's response to critics who pressed him to cease stating socialist solutions to problems in order to safeguard party unity and to play to perceptions of what the electorate wanted: "When you a join a team in the expectation that you are going to play rugger, you can't be expected to be enthusiastic if you are asked to play tiddlywinks". We're in a changed world that demands a completely different set of solutions to that provided by Blairism in the mid-90s. Labour must grasp the opportunity that has come out of the financial crisis for developing a new socialist vision for the twentyfirst century. I'm not convinced that we can do that if we have someone as leader who seems to be peddling the same Blairite ideas and solutions that we need to go way beyond.
Excellent comment David Wearing...couldn't agree more.
I don't see what is served by labelling D. Milliband as "Blairite" except mudslinging - it obscures real debate.
What elements of his programme and campaign can really be dismissed in this way?
Of course things have changed, but the seats that Labour need to win have not - and it will be that much more difficult in the wake of Cameron's gerrymandering.
That doesn't mean we need the same solutions as "New Labour" but surely it does mean that Labour has to be open to new ideas and winning new voters - no?
Like John Spence, I'm tired of hearing the usual litany (Mr Wearing) about Iraq in reference to the leadership contest.
A large left contingent does not discriminate between the case for war as voted on and the awful cock-up made of prosecuting it. After all, the big mistakes (disbanding local security and so on, poor intel, getting a 22-year-old to draft the constitution) were outside of UK control.
This distinction doesn't determine our individual moral judgements on whether the war was 'the right thing to do' or not. It does, however, bespeak the credibility of the leadership candidates' positions, then and now.
On this score Diane Abbott is credible, as she has always been a peacenik and voted accordingly.
Andy Burnham and DM also have credible positions (though not one a lot of people like) by saying they were convinced of the case for war, but have serious reservations about how it was waged. Burnham is the most astute as he reconised that the crumbling of Baathism was inevitable, and he listened to the minorities suffering under the regime (Mr Wearing perhaps accepts Michael Moore's canard about pre-intervention Iraq, which in fact was no sort of 'society' at all).
And Ed would have liked to "let the weapons inspectors have more time". He fails to deal with the obvious rejoinder: then what?
But then I think that Ed Miliband, with his querulous, blinky, 6th-form-virgin demeanour, could render the Marc Anthony's speech to the Romans unstatesmanlike. When asked about foreign policy, he cited his jaunt to Copenhagen (http://www.telegraph.co.uk/earth/copenhagen-climate-change-confe/6845929...). This kind of thing may score brownie points in a graduate job interview (if such things still exist), but it just won't do for a prospective PM.
Blairite/Brownite - what does it matter, they're 'two cheeks of the same backside' to quote gorgeous George.
What ever Blairite or Brownite means, they are both New Labour and that is at the heart of the problem.
People, I think, attach the Blairite/Brownite terms to the New Labour centre right lot whose ideology, they feel, is very much dead in the water and detracts from the real essence of Labour.
Milliband was highly instrumental and influential in the 97 manifesto and as policy adviser and head of policy to Blair and there are a number of us who think that if it looks like a Blair, talks like a Blair, tubthumps with staccato studded sentences like a Blair - it is a Blair and in my book, that's regressive politics.
'And Ed would have liked to "let the weapons inspectors have more time". He fails to deal with the obvious rejoinder: then what?'
Well, what about: if the result of the inspection had been that there were no WMD then Bush and Blair would have had to try to impress us with some other spurious case for war. The point is, of course, an inspection with that result would have been dismissed by Bush and Blair as inadequate.
@Freeman
They would indeed, and their case would have de facto been less spurious. More should have been made of previous successes in Kosovo and Sierra Leone.
I'm used now to people opposed to the war reducing it to Bush and Blair. By "what next?" I mean, and I think reponsible opiners should primarily consider "what next for Iraq?".
"What next" would have been the collapse of the then extant regime, which the head of MI5 recently confirmed would have included reprisals on minorities, with the worst of Iraq's neighbours piling into a sectarian civil war with either a salafist or Iranian-back shia dictatorship assuming power, and, yes, oil. I think you and Ed M mistakenly assume that doing nothing means nothing happens.
@ Tom O'Gara
I actually agreed with the point David Wearing made, as I do think it is important.
However, as I stated in my original post, as important a recognistion of the travesty that is Iraq is, there are more pressing issues than Iraq to deal with, as far as I'm concerned which will make me decide who to vote for (if any, as I'm disinclined to vote for any candidate currently).
One would be returning power to the rank and file of the party.
Another would be the place of the unions within Labour, and whether the Party leadership will return to supporting them rather than undermining them at almost every turn.
Yet another would be whether any future Labour government would roll back private sector involvement in public services and whether there would be a role for nationalisation in some sectors of the economy.
Of the last two I've heard nary a peep, mainly because the Iraq issue has hijacked every hustings I've attended (5 so far).
@Tom O'Gara - the juvenile, personal digs at Ed Miliband, and the novel idea that taking a leading role in one of the most significant international conferences in the last ten years is irrelevant in terms of foreign policy experience, are best ignored. But it is worth responding to your points on Iraq, not because they have merit, but because they are familiar.
Balls, Burnham and David Miliband have adopted the "if I knew then what I know now" defence, which you essentially repeat. This ignores what was perfectly well known at the time.
A crippled Iraq posed no threat to the West or its allies (least of all the US, the greatest military power of all time), irrespective of whether it had a few vials of something nasty hidden in bunker somewhere. The idea that we should all quake in fear before this smashed country was laughable to any serious person.
It was also well known that the US administration was staffed with people who had personally backed Saddam (Rumsfeld) and other mass murderers such as Suharto (Wolfowitz), and that Washington continued to support some of the most vicious, tyrannical, human rights abusers in the Middle East (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States). Anyone therefore looking to Washington for a liberatory invasion of Iraq that attended to the needs of the Iraqi people was living in a parallel universe.
Note also that much of the bloodshed in Iraq was not down to this act of violent colonialism being insufficiently well planned, but was due to actions intrinsic to the nature of US power.
One was the economic shock therapy imposed by viceroy L Paul Bremer III, no more than a particularly virulent example of what countless US clients have imposed on their populations in recent history, and which destroyed the economy, sending unemployment rocketing and providing much of the personnel and discontentment upon which the insurgency fed. No one with a basic understanding of how the US approaches economics where its subordinate states are concerned was surprised by this.
Another element was the thuggishly vicious way in which the US army conducted itself, massacring civilians at random from the ground, from the air, imposing collective punishment, crushing entire cities such as Fallujah and Najaf, which was not only devastating in itself but which also fed the growing insurgency and civil war. The fact that the US army behaves in this way was no surprise to anyone with the smallest understanding of history.
In short, the self-serving mea-semi-culpas of the "if I knew then what I know now" brigade simply will not wash. The fact is that millions all over the world, including large majorities in many countries, including many international governments, including the head of the Arab League who warned that the invasion would "open the gates of hell", knew perfectly well that this was at best a monumental blunder and at worst a monstrous crime. Yet New Labour went ahead, demonstrating a catastrophic lack of judgement, knowledge, morality, or a combination of all three.
Given the vast suffering endured both by the people of Iraq and by the men and women sent to fight there, the palpable impatience, even boredom, displayed by some when the subject is raised, is something is not going unnoted. One of the most disgusting examples of this was David Miliband's assertion, before the election, that the public had "punished us enough over Iraq". No one who has made a statement like that has even begun to think seriously about what has happened to that country, and what the appropriate penalty might be for those responsible. It certainly renders them absolutely unfit to be Prime Minister.
I'm backing a real "Ed"...Ed Balls...A guy that's a Labour man ready to be Labour leader without his mum in the background tearing her heart out betwixt fractious competing siblings as Mrs. Miliband must be plucking heartstrings either for her boy David or for her young Ed.
@John
I agree that those three issues are vitally important. Both are also entrenched problems of identity and policy that the new leader will have a hard time communication to the electorate. I think Andy Burnham is strong on these. You might think of him as Ed M in a pair of long trousers, minus the newspeak and dodgy hand gestures, and plus proper Labour and ministerial credentials.
@David
Check you out, rising above it all! A little more fun and frank appraisal of the characters in the mix and a little less worthy sanctimony would have been welcome in the hustings in general and from you in particular.
A challenge: inform me of one positive and concrete policy or material outcome from Copenhagen, either now or in reasonably likely future prospect. Statements and pledges do not cut it.
To say Copenhagen was “one of the most significant international conferences in the last ten years “ is a high jump over a very low fence. You need not go far, or in any direction in particular, to find coverage of Copenhagen describing it a gross disappointment and a useless, pusillanimous talking shop. Does anyone else of note (Brown and ED M aside) share your view that it was a meaningful event? For the UK it served as no more than an expensive stimulus package for Brown’s world-saving delusions.
The Chilcot inquiry will let us know whether there was any of the deceitfulness you allude to. If in the meantime you want to try and arrest Blair, as that’s your line of remedy, be my guest. It is disingenuous to say that Iraq did not pose any threat was “perfectly well known”. The government’s imperfect knowledge is quite evident. I agree that Iraq posed no material direct threat to the UK’s national security. But to say that the government lied is to commit the apparent sin of the accused, namely to have act with certitude and indiligence when all the facts are not in. If you want to presume guilty, fine, but don’t bore me and claim the moral high ground at the same time.
As an aside, I find your idea of anything being “laughable to any serious person” a delightful oxymoron.
You hold the truth of you assertion that the case for and prosecution of the war are indistinguishable in re US power to be self-evident. I do not so I will not “note” it. Given that the egregious events you cite were perpetrated by US forces, I also don’t see what it has to do with a decision taken in our parliament in the context of the election of one of our political parties.
Let’s remind ourselves that this is a thread on electability. Enough blood and ink has been spilt over Iraq. I expect the Iraqis, who will now police and protect themselves, have tired of US imperialism-talk longer before than you ever will. Domestically, we have a wide-ranging inquiry, and established campaigns to bring Blair to book. Self-flagellation by the Labour party at large to service the left contingent’s craving for public moral exculpation will not win a single vote.
@David
As a parting shot, I must point out a couple more sleights in your post. You lambast US imperialism but maintain in your diagnosis that the US the chief - and only culpable - actor, and that the insurgency is a mere reflexive (and perhaps reasonable) by-product of US action, without thinking about the insurgent’s motives or the nature of their actions, or taking into account the millions of Iraqis who were bloody glad to see Saddam deposed, or who provided massive assistance to the US in opposing the insurgency. This trope of US-actor and RoW-reactor seems to me to be a cognitively imperialist (and dishonest) way to look at things. But I appreciate the convenience of sticking to this hymn sheet.
You are also keen to invoke the suffering of military action (and are happy to characterise the casualties of volunteer armies and privateers as victims – poor show), without looking at the other column. On the positives for intervention, I can cite Kosovo and Sierra Leone, where suffering would have been far greater but for intervention. I can also cite in Sudan a shameful triumph of UN prevarication and the implications of an able international community standing by, paring its fingernails. Explain the virtue of your isolationism and UN primacy to the people in those camps.
I think it evasive and dishonest that war opponents berate war supporters for the prosecution of any conflict but give no thought to the other side of the coin. Be grateful no-one who thinks as you do will ever have to decide.
PS. An appeal to all and sundry: Can we NS posters declare a moratorium on the usual throat-clearing about Indochina and so on, and instead take such events as read and understood? This will save you from RSI and demagoguery, liberate me from tacit and patronising assumptions that I am somehow unfamiliar with 20th c US foreign policy and the dramatis personae of the Bush government, and spare other posters trite litanies which, having gobbled our respective shares of Chomsky, Zinn, Pilger et al we NS posters can safely take as read.
If the 2M marchers against the Iraq invasion knew that they were just 'weapons of mass distraction', then it is difficult to buy the 'if we knew then what we knew now' line.