Labour is positioning itself as the truly patriotic party

Ed Balls's invocation of 1945 and the slogan "rebuilding Britain" exemplify Labour's new patriotism.

In my recent profile of the Australian political philosopher Tim Soutphommasane, who has done much to shape the Labour leadership's thinking on patriotism (he is a particularly important influence on Jon Cruddas, who is leading Labour's policy review) I wrote of how the party could draw inspiration from the 1945 election. In that year, it was Clement Attlee's promise of a "new Jerusalem" that propelled him to power over the war lion Winston Churchill. Nearly 70 years later, "a patriotic vow to 'rebuild Britain'" could do the same for Ed Miliband, I argued. As Soutphommasane told me: "The task of rebuilding and reshaping the British economy after the financial crisis and after austerity is something that could be a patriotic project".

The opening days of the Labour conference have seen the party explicitly embrace this theme. First we had the conference slogan "rebuilding Britain", then we had Ed Balls's speech, in which the shadow chancellor spoke of the need for Labour to "recapture the spirit and values and national purpose" of 1945.

Balls is right to argue that a patriotic appeal to "rebuild Britain" after austerity could resonate with voters in 2015. Under the rubric of "national reconstruction", Labour could champion policies such as a National Investment Bank, a major house building programme, and a "solidarity tax" on the wealthy. Balls spoke of how this could be the generation that "safeguarded the NHS, and started the rebuilding of our national infrastructure ...  that tackled our debts by growing and reforming our economy - and making sure the banking crisis that caused those debts could never happen again ... that broke from the cycle of political short-termism and started to rebuild Britain anew in the long term national interest."

Labour's best hope of winning the next election lies in offering an optimistic vision of a society of shared obligation and reward, something Bill Clinton did so effectively in his speech to the Democratic National Convention when he contrasted a "we're-all-in-this-together" society with a "winner-take-all society".

The irony is that "we're all in this together", with its appeal to voters' instinctive patriotism, would have been a good slogan for the Tories if only they'd lived up to it. But their reckless reform of the NHS ("the closest thing the English people have to a religion", in the words of Nigel Lawson) and their decision to abolish the 50p tax rate, an important symbol of solidarity in hard times, means that they have lost any claim to be a patriotic one-nation party. The road is clear for Miliband to establish Labour as the truly patriotic party.

Ed Miliband applauds shadow chancellor Ed Balls after he delivered his speech to the Labour conference in Manchester. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Labour tensions over pro-EU campaign grow

Andy Burnham warned Alan Johnson of danger of appearing part of the "establishment case". 

Compared to the Conservatives, Labour is remarkably united over the EU, with the entire shadow cabinet and 214 of its 231 MPs backing the party's In campaign. Only a handful have joined the rival Labour Leave group, though sources are confident that more, potentially including shadow ministers, will do so when David Cameron's renegotiation concludes. 

But there are notable tensions within the In campaign. At this week's shadow cabinet meeting, which received a presentation from pro-EU head Alan Johnson, Andy Burnham warned of electoral damage to Labour if it was part of the "establishment case" for staying in. Burnham emphasised the need for the party to differentiate itself from Cameron and business leaders, I'm told. Angela Eagle also spoke of her concern at the number of eurosceptic Labour supporters. 

Just as the SNP surged following the Scottish independence referendum, so some shadow cabinet members believe Ukip could do so after the EU vote. One told me of his fear that those Labour supporters who voted Out would make "the transition" to voting for Farage's party. Ukip finished second in 44 of Labour's seats at the last election and helped the Tories win marginals off the opposition. 

Among Labour's pro-Europeans, the fear is that the party's campaign will be "half-hearted". Jeremy Corbyn, a long-standing eurosceptic (who some believe would have backed withdrawal had he not become leader), struggles to express enthusiasm for remaining In. Speaking to the New Statesman, former shadow Europe minister Emma Reynolds warned: 

"The British public will expect the Labour Party to have a clear position. And we do have a clear position and that's that we're going to campaign to stay in the EU. Trying to fudge the issue or hedge your bets is not going to go down well with the British public. Of course we need to talk to people about all aspects of the EU, and that will involve talking to people about immigration, but there isn't a 'maybe' on the ballot paper it's a binary choice between remain and leave. We have to be clear with people where we are because they won't thank us for being wishy-washy."

Labour's Brexiters draw comfort from the dearth of MPs campaigning for EU membership. Kate Hoey told me: "I have been genuinely surprised how few supposedly 'pro-EU' Labour MPs have been prepared to come out and speak publicly of their support for staying in. They know, as those of us campaigning on the Leave side know, that thousands and thousands of Labour supporters, all over the country, want to come out and they are not going to receive a great reception on the doostep". 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.