Are Scottish teenagers more in favour of independence?

The polling evidence suggests not.

The hope among nationalists and the fear among unionists is that the decision to allow 16 and 17-year-olds to vote in the Scottish independence referendum will aid the SNP's cause. Young people, it is supposed, are more susceptible to Alex Salmond's patriotic appeal than their older compatriots. But the polling evidence we have suggests that this is not the case.

A survey by the Mail on Sunday last month found that support for independence stands at just 26% among 14 and 15-year-olds (who will be 16 or 17 in 2014), compared with 27% among the rest of the population. As pollster John Curtice noted:

This shows the assumptions made by some that younger voters tend towards independence is some way out. The crucial group are those over the age of 60, who are more inclined to vote. We may yet see a deal which extends the franchise for the referendum but we don’t know if the people in this category will turn up and vote, as turnout among younger voters is traditionally low.

The SNP will, naturally, hope to shift these numbers over the course of the campaign. But it's already clear that allowing young Scots to vote won't be the game changer that the party needs.

First Minister of Scotland Alex Salmond carries a sliver putter signifying the next location of the Ryder Cup. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Donald Trump's healthcare failure could be to his advantage

The appearance of weakness is less electorally damaging than actually removing healthcare from millions of people.

Good morning. Is it all over for Donald Trump? His approval ratings have cratered to below 40%. Now his attempt to dismantle Barack Obama's healthcare reforms have hit serious resistance from within the Republican Party, adding to the failures and retreats of his early days in office.

The problem for the GOP is that their opposition to Obamacare had more to do with the word "Obama" than the word "care". The previous President opted for a right-wing solution to the problem of the uninsured in a doomed attempt to secure bipartisan support for his healthcare reform. The politician with the biggest impact on the structures of the Affordable Care Act is Mitt Romney.

But now that the Republicans control all three branches of government they are left in a situation where they have no alternative to Obamacare that wouldn't either a) shred conservative orthodoxies on healthcare or b) create numerous and angry losers in their constituencies. The difficulties for Trump's proposal is that it does a bit of both.

Now the man who ran on his ability to cut a deal has been forced to make a take it or leave plea to Republicans in the House of Representatives: vote for this plan or say goodbye to any chance of repealing Obamacare.

But that's probably good news for Trump. The appearance of weakness and failure is less electorally damaging than actually succeeding in removing healthcare from millions of people, including people who voted for Trump.

Trump won his first term because his own negatives as a candidate weren't quite enough to drag him down on a night when he underperformed Republican candidates across the country. The historical trends all make it hard for a first-term incumbent to lose. So far, Trump's administration is largely being frustrated by the Republican establishment though he is succeeding in leveraging the Presidency for the benefit of his business empire.

But it may be that in the failure to get anything done he succeeds in once again riding Republican coattails to victory in 2020.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.