Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from today's papers.

1. Ed Miliband's big test is to make voters see him as prime minister The Observer

He can't do anything about the way he looks, but he can do something about the way he talks to the country, writes Andrew Rawnsley.

2. 'Likeability’ is the bane of modern politics The Sunday Telegraph

Clowning around on a chat show, or even being a devoted Dad, may count for less than having a serious grasp of economic reality, writes Janet Daley.

3. Casual vacancy for gloomy snob: would suit JK Rowling The Sunday Times (£)

The first Harry Potter story was astonishing in its minor public-school wannabe snobbery, argues Minette Marrin.

4. Israel and the Occupied Territories are much changed - yet peace seems more distant than ever The Independent on Sunday

As Donald Macintyre, the Sindy's Jerusalem correspondent, remembers eight years reporting from the region, he reflects on what has changed and what changes must still come.

5. What’s the point of Labour when the coffers are empty? The Sunday Telegraph

Ed Miliband’s answer to this question will help to decide the outcome of the next election, writes Matthew d'Ancona.

6. Wonkish? Yes, but Miliband could be PM in 2015 The Independent on Sunday

The Labour brand is strong because voters think Labour will protect their jobs, argues John Rentoul.

7. Is this the death knell for the Lib Dems? The Observer

At a time when the country needs them, the party seems intent on self-destruction, writes Nick Cohen.

8. Ed's set to bare his soul... and his inner geek The Mail on Sunday

One of Miliband’s closest allies admits the Labour leader is "not yet seen an alternative Prime Minister. He needs to be by the Election". The test of this conference is whether he is halfway to being there by the end of it, writes James Forsyth.

9. Stay vague, Ed — too red and you’re dead The Sunday Times (£)

If Miliband is wise, he will keep this stuff about responsible capitalism vague. Better Fuzzy Ed than Red Ed, writes Martin Ivens.

10. We need a revolution in how our companies are owned and run The Observer

Will Hutton calls for a culture dedicated to long-term, ethical goals.

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Why relations between Theresa May and Philip Hammond became tense so quickly

The political imperative of controlling immigration is clashing with the economic imperative of maintaining growth. 

There is no relationship in government more important than that between the prime minister and the chancellor. When Theresa May entered No.10, she chose Philip Hammond, a dependable technocrat and long-standing ally who she had known since Oxford University. 

But relations between the pair have proved far tenser than anticipated. On Wednesday, Hammond suggested that students could be excluded from the net migration target. "We are having conversations within government about the most appropriate way to record and address net migration," he told the Treasury select committee. The Chancellor, in common with many others, has long regarded the inclusion of students as an obstacle to growth. 

The following day Hammond was publicly rebuked by No.10. "Our position on who is included in the figures has not changed, and we are categorically not reviewing whether or not students are included," a spokesman said (as I reported in advance, May believes that the public would see this move as "a fix"). 

This is not the only clash in May's first 100 days. Hammond was aggrieved by the Prime Minister's criticisms of loose monetary policy (which forced No.10 to state that it "respects the independence of the Bank of England") and is resisting tougher controls on foreign takeovers. The Chancellor has also struck a more sceptical tone on the UK's economic prospects. "It is clear to me that the British people did not vote on June 23 to become poorer," he declared in his conference speech, a signal that national prosperity must come before control of immigration. 

May and Hammond's relationship was never going to match the remarkable bond between David Cameron and George Osborne. But should relations worsen it risks becoming closer to that beween Gordon Brown and Alistair Darling. Like Hammond, Darling entered the Treasury as a calm technocrat and an ally of the PM. But the extraordinary circumstances of the financial crisis transformed him into a far more assertive figure.

In times of turmoil, there is an inevitable clash between political and economic priorities. As prime minister, Brown resisted talk of cuts for fear of the electoral consequences. But as chancellor, Darling was more concerned with the bottom line (backing a rise in VAT). By analogy, May is focused on the political imperative of controlling immigration, while Hammond is focused on the economic imperative of maintaining growth. If their relationship is to endure far tougher times they will soon need to find a middle way. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.