Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Cameron’s demolition job risks tearing the country from its past (Daily Telegraph)

Whichever is the more conservative party is likely to win the next election – and right now that looks like Labour, writes Mary Riddell.

2. An unhappy marriage: union influence may cost Labour election chances (Independent)

By threatening more strikes union leaders prove they have not adjusted to poorer times - and their selfishness will only push voters away, says Steve Richards.

3. Democracy loses in struggle to save euro (Financial Times)

The sight of the German representative on the ECB being isolated and outvoted was chilling, says Gideon Rachman.

4. Why the whiff of success clings to Brand Boris (Times) (£)

David Cameron must rediscover the qualities that won him the leadership to see off the Mayor’s challenge, says Rachel Sylvester.

5. The universal credit programme is on course for disaster (Guardian)

Iain Duncan Smith's plan to streamline our benefits system is practically unachievable, says Frank Field.

6. Tories may regret their disdain of Romney (Financial Times)

It is folly to have such poor relations with a party that could soon hold the world’s mightiest office, argues Janan Ganesh.

7. Alzheimer's could be the most catastrophic impact of junk food (Guardian)

There is evidence that poor diet is one cause of Alzheimer's, writes George Monbiot. If ever there was a case for the precautionary principle, this is it.

8. Europe's Dutch barometer (Independent)

Holland’s fragmented politics have become more divided than ever, says an Independent leader.

9. Conservative party: cheers, fears and falling ratings (Guardian)

Mr Johnson may be the Tories' prince over the water now, but golden summers and victory parades do not last for ever, says a Guardian editorial.

10. Black Wednesday: The day that Britain went over the edge (Daily Telegraph)

Black Wednesday was a fateful moment that changed our country – and shaped a future prime minister, writes Philip Johnston.

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Why it's far too early to declare Ukip dead

The party could yet thrive if Brexit disappoints those who voted Leave.

"Nothing except a battle lost can be half as melancholy as a battle won," wrote the Duke of Wellington after Waterloo. Ukip can testify to this. Since achieving its founding aim - a British vote to leave the EU - the party has descended into a rolling crisis.

Theresa May's vow to pursue Brexit, and to achieve control of immigration, robbed Ukip of its political distinctiveness. But the party's greatest enemy has been itself. Its leader Paul Nuttall did not merely lose the Stoke by-election (despite the city recording the highest Leave vote), he self-destructed in the process. Contrary to his assertions, Nuttall did not achieve a PhD, was never a professional footballer and did not lose "close personal friends" at Hillsborough. Ukip's deputy Peter Whittle pleaded last weekend that voters needed more time to get to know Nuttall. No, the problem was that they got to know him all too well. A mere three months after becoming leader, Nuttall has endured a level of mockery from which far stronger men would struggle to recover (and he may soon be relieved of the task).

Since then, Ukip's millionaire sugar daddy Arron Banks has threatened to leave the party unless he is made chairman and Nigel Farage is awarded a new role (seemingly that of de facto leader). For good measure, Farage (a man who has failed seven times to enter parliament) has demanded that Ukip's only MP Douglas Carswell is expelled for the crime of failing to aid his knighthood bid. Not wanting to be outdone, Banks has vowed to stand against Carswell at the next election if the dissenter is not purged. Any suggestion that the party's bloodlust was sated by the flooring of Steve Woolfe and Diane James's 18-day leadership has been entirely dispelled.

For all this, it is too early to pronounce Ukip's death (as many have). Despite May's ascension and its myriad woes, it has maintained an average poll rating of 12 per cent this year. This is far from its 2014 zenith, when it polled as high as 25 per cent, but also far from irrelevancy. Incapable of winning Labour seats itself, Ukip could yet gift them to the Conservatives by attracting anti-Tory, anti-Corbyn voters (in marginals, the margins matter).

Though Theresa May appears invulnerable, Brexit could provide fertile political territory for Ukip. Those who voted Leave in the hope of a radical reduction in immigration will likely be dismayed if only a moderate fall results. Cabinet ministers who boasted during the referendum of their desire to reduce immigration have already been forced to concede that newcomers will be required to fill vacancies for years to come. Ukip will be the natural vehicle for those aggrieved by Brexit "betrayal". Some Leave voters are already dismayed by the slowness of the process (questioning why withdrawal wasn't triggered immediately) and will revolt at the "transitional period" and budget contributions now regarded as inevitable.

The declarations of Ukip's death by both conservatives and liberals have all the hallmarks of wishful thinking. Even if the party collapses in its present form, something comparable to it would emerge. Indeed, the complacency of its opponents could provide the very conditions it needs to thrive.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.