The revolt against Osborne grows

Lib Dem MPs join economists in calling for a change of course.

Our exclusive story on how once supportive economists have turned against George Osborne has made the front page of today's Guardian, with the rest of Fleet Street, including the Mail and the Telegraph, also following up the piece, which appears in full in this week's magazine.

The Guardian leads on this week's New Statesman cover story.

And there's more bad news for Osborne today. The FT's Kiran Stacey reports that Lib Dem MPs are also now urging Osborne to take advantage of the UK's record low borrowing rates and stimulate growth through higher capital spending. John Pugh, the co-author of the party's 2010 economic policy, tells the paper:

We need to look again very carefully at the implications of the sharp reduction we have seen in capital expenditure.

There are a fair number of people who think that if we returned to the plans as conceived by Vince Cable . . . we would be in a slightly healthier position than we are.

Pugh is right. Osborne's decision to reduce capital expenditure - the most valuable spending, according to the OBR - by 48% (£24.3bn) is one of the main reasons why the UK, with the exception of Italy, is the only G20 member in recession.

When it was pointed out to Pugh that it would be difficult for the Chancellor to perform such a U-turn, he rightly replied:

The situation is serious enough now for people not to be bothered about what you call the plan.

Two other MPs - Annette Brooke and John Leech - make similar calls, and a senior economic adviser to the party comments: "We may have to resort to emergency measures to stimulate demand. We have already let the timetable on eliminating the deficit slip: we may have to do that again."

Perhaps most significantly, Stacey reports that party president Tim Farron is being urged by the Lib Dem leadership to call for deficit-funded spending "in order to give Nick Clegg, the deputy prime minister, a mandate to argue for it at the top of government."

The Lib Dems' restlessnes is unsurprising. As even the IMF has stated, there is no evidence that a reduced pace of deficit reduction would trigger a rise in British bond yields. With investors increasingly reluctant to lend to eurozone countries, the UK is, as Osborne has observed, a "safe haven". Yet, for no other reason other than political pride, the Chancellor is unwilling to change direction. Borrowing for growth would be a tacit admission that his nemesis, Ed Balls, was right and he was wrong. But until Osborne is prepared to take this step, there is no prospect of recovery, for either the economy or his party.

George Osborne is under increasing pressure to stimulate growth through higher infrastructure spending. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Is defeat in Stoke the beginning of the end for Paul Nuttall?

The Ukip leader was his party's unity candidate. But after his defeat in Stoke, the old divisions are beginning to show again

In a speech to Ukip’s spring conference in Bolton on February 17, the party’s once and probably future leader Nigel Farage laid down the gauntlet for his successor, Paul Nuttall. Stoke’s by-election was “fundamental” to the future of the party – and Nuttall had to win.
 
One week on, Nuttall has failed that test miserably and thrown the fundamental questions hanging over Ukip’s future into harsh relief. 

For all his bullish talk of supplanting Labour in its industrial heartlands, the Ukip leader only managed to increase the party’s vote share by 2.2 percentage points on 2015. This paltry increase came despite Stoke’s 70 per cent Brexit majority, and a media narrative that was, until the revelations around Nuttall and Hillsborough, talking the party’s chances up.
 
So what now for Nuttall? There is, for the time being, little chance of him resigning – and, in truth, few inside Ukip expected him to win. Nuttall was relying on two well-rehearsed lines as get-out-of-jail free cards very early on in the campaign. 

The first was that the seat was a lowly 72 on Ukip’s target list. The second was that he had been leader of party whose image had been tarnished by infighting both figurative and literal for all of 12 weeks – the real work of his project had yet to begin. 

The chances of that project ever succeeding were modest at the very best. After yesterday’s defeat, it looks even more unlikely. Nuttall had originally stated his intention to run in the likely by-election in Leigh, Greater Manchester, when Andy Burnham wins the Greater Manchester metro mayoralty as is expected in May (Wigan, the borough of which Leigh is part, voted 64 per cent for Brexit).

If he goes ahead and stands – which he may well do – he will have to overturn a Labour majority of over 14,000. That, even before the unedifying row over the veracity of his Hillsborough recollections, was always going to be a big challenge. If he goes for it and loses, his leadership – predicated as it is on his supposed ability to win votes in the north - will be dead in the water. 

Nuttall is not entirely to blame, but he is a big part of Ukip’s problem. I visited Stoke the day before The Guardian published its initial report on Nuttall’s Hillsborough claims, and even then Nuttall’s campaign manager admitted that he was unlikely to convince the “hard core” of Conservative voters to back him. 

There are manifold reasons for this, but chief among them is that Nuttall, despite his newfound love of tweed, is no Nigel Farage. Not only does he lack his name recognition and box office appeal, but the sad truth is that the Tory voters Ukip need to attract are much less likely to vote for a party led by a Scouser whose platform consists of reassuring working-class voters their NHS and benefits are safe.
 
It is Farage and his allies – most notably the party’s main donor Arron Banks – who hold the most power over Nuttall’s future. Banks, who Nuttall publicly disowned as a non-member after he said he was “sick to death” of people “milking” the Hillsborough disaster, said on the eve of the Stoke poll that Ukip had to “remain radical” if it wanted to keep receiving his money. Farage himself has said the party’s campaign ought to have been “clearer” on immigration. 

Senior party figures are already briefing against Nuttall and his team in the Telegraph, whose proprietors are chummy with the beer-swilling Farage-Banks axis. They deride him for his efforts to turn Ukip into “NiceKip” or “Nukip” in order to appeal to more women voters, and for the heavy-handedness of his pitch to Labour voters (“There were times when I wondered whether I’ve got a purple rosette or a red one on”, one told the paper). 

It is Nuttall’s policy advisers - the anti-Farage awkward squad of Suzanne Evans, MEP Patrick O’Flynn (who famously branded Farage "snarling, thin-skinned and aggressive") and former leadership candidate Lisa Duffy – come in for the harshest criticism. Herein lies the leader's almost impossible task. Despite having pitched to members as a unity candidate, the two sides’ visions for Ukip are irreconcilable – one urges him to emulate Trump (who Nuttall says he would not have voted for), and the other urges a more moderate tack. 

Endorsing his leader on Question Time last night, Ukip’s sole MP Douglas Carswell blamed the legacy of the party’s Tea Party-inspired 2015 general election campaign, which saw Farage complain about foreigners with HIV using the NHS in ITV’s leaders debate, for the party’s poor performance in Stoke. Others, such as MEP Bill Etheridge, say precisely the opposite – that Nuttall must be more like Farage. 

Neither side has yet called for Nuttall’s head. He insists he is “not going anywhere”. With his febrile party no stranger to abortive coup and counter-coup, he is unlikely to be the one who has the final say.