Prevention is better than cure

The ongoing struggle to reduce the cost of vaccines in developing countries like Ghana.

 

Monday saw me in Committee room 1 in Westminster amongst Parliamentarians and health and development activists at the start of World Immunisation Week. Now I am in Ghana where more than 50 years ago I was inoculated against polio. This has now been eradicated in Ghana by the sort of mass immunisation campaign that I am privileged to see launched here this week.

Today, in Ghana the target is two of the biggest child killers in the world pneumonia and diarrhoea. These two diseases account for an estimated 20 per cent of all under 5 deaths in the country, but are largely preventable through the introduction of the pneumococcal and rotavirus vaccines. In the UK we take for granted the access and availability of these vaccines and we have little experience of the fatal impact of these diseases. But pneumonia and diarrhoea each kill roughly 500,000 children under 5 every year and 85 per cent of the diarrhoea deaths caused by rotavirus are in the developing world. In Ghana the fatal impact of these diseases is very real.

I am travelling to Ghana with the GAVI Alliance. This unique partnership between governments, North and South, civil society, and private sector philanthropists and businesses has revolutionised the market in and delivery of vaccines globally and saved the lives of millions. The origins of GAVI's funding lie in the very special coming together of activists and government that led to the UK’s historic commitments to the UN 0.7 per cent of GDP target for development. This is an enduring achievement of the last Labour government. The good news is that this saw the advent of a new national consensus. The consequence of which is that David Cameron and Andrew Mitchell, who hosted the last funding conference for GAVI, have committed a further £814 million pounds to the cause. This recognises not simply the need I see so clearly demonstrated in Ghana and indeed throughout my work in Africa but also of the effectiveness of GAVI and its unique model. This builds local ownership whilst intervening in world markets to reduce the cost of vaccines to developing nations through innovative funding mechanisms. The IFFIm on which I worked with Gordon Brown during our time at the Treasury was the first of these. Designed and championed by a very special partnership between the treasury, the city, and civil society including the Vatican, it proved to be a groundbreaking approach to securing sustainable funding for development. I am now seeing first hand in Ghana the product of a next generation initiative, the Advanced Market Commitment (AMC), which is delivering life saving pneumococcal vaccines to the poorest countries at a 90 per cent price reduction compared to the cost in the US and EU. And it has accelerated the pace of delivery so that by 2015 an additional 700,000 lives ought to be saved.

The child that I saw my self struggling for breath in the arms of her father, whilst a weeping mother looked on at the Princess Marie Louise Hospital in central Accra ought not to be joined by countless others. Politics and the budget process that protects DFID’s spending are too often disparaged by so many in the sadly cynical and disillusioned country that we have become. Not least by so many young people who have been turned off completely by the whole process. We all need reminding from time to time why politics and the contest of ideas and values matter so desperately. And why we need to restore and revitalise our own politics.

One of GAVI’s strengths, as I see it, is that GAVI builds and supports local ownership and participation. A traditional leader in rural Ghana told us through his linguist, the original version of our own Number 10 spokesperson, why he had called together the village community to get vaccinated. Ghanaian health professionals had proudly outlined the “cold chain”, the logistical triumph that will ensure that children in the remotest parts of Ghana will still get access to the vaccine in good time and at maximum effectiveness. The Health Minister rightly outlined the Ghanaian taxpayers’ contribution to the funding of the whole process supported by GAVI. This is best practice in international development. Britain’s contribution ensures that somewhere in the world every 2 seconds a child is being vaccinated and a life is saved every 2 minutes from diseases that no child in the UK ever dies. On my way back from the medical field unit so similar to the one my mum took me all those years ago now, I saw a “Tro-Tro”, Ghana’s ubiquitous minivan taxi system. They are famed for the proverbs emblazoned on them with great colour and decorative flourish. This one simply said, “Prevention is better than cure". 

Paul Boateng is a former chief secretary to the Treasury, ex-High Commissioner in South Africa and a Labour peer

Paul Boateng, a former British high commissioner to South Africa, MP, cabinet minister and civil rights lawyer, is a member of the House of Lords and a trustee of the Planet Earth Institute

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Meet Anne Marie Waters - the Ukip politician too extreme for Nigel Farage

In January 2016, Waters launched Pegida UK with former EDL frontman Steven Yaxley-Lennon (aka Tommy Robinson). 

There are few people in British political life who can be attacked from the left by Nigel Farage. Yet that is where Anne Marie Waters has found herself. And by the end of September she could well be the new leader of Ukip, a party almost synonymous with its beer-swilling, chain-smoking former leader.

Waters’s political journey is a curious one. She started out on the political left, but like Oswald Mosley before her, has since veered dramatically to the right. That, however, is where the similarities end. Waters is Irish, agnostic, a lesbian and a self-proclaimed feminist.

But it is her politics – rather than who she is – that have caused a stir among Ukip’s old guard. Former leader Paul Nuttall has said that her views make him “uncomfortable” while Farage has claimed Ukip is “finished” if, under her leadership, it becomes an anti-Islam party.

In her rhetoric, Waters echoes groups such as the English Defence League (EDL) and Britain First. She has called Islam “evil” and her leadership manifesto claims that the religion has turned Britain into a “fearful and censorious society”. Waters wants the banning of the burqa, the closure of all sharia councils and a temporary freeze on all immigration.

She started life in Dublin before moving to Germany in her teens to work as an au pair. Waters also lived in the Netherlands before returning to Britain to study journalism at Nottingham Trent University, graduating in 2003. She subsequently gained a second degree in law. It was then, she says, that she first learnt about Islam, which she claims treats women “like absolute dirt”. Now 39, Waters is a full-time campaigner who lives in Essex with her two dogs and her partner who is an accountant.

Waters’s first spell of serious activism was with the campaign group One Law for All, a secularist organisation fronted by the Iranian feminist and human rights activist Maryam Namazie. Waters resigned in November 2013 after four years with the organisation. According to Namazie, Waters left due to political disagreements over whether the group should collaborate with members of far-right groups.

In April 2014, Waters founded Sharia Watch UK and, in January 2016, she launched Pegida UK with former EDL frontman Steven Yaxley-Lennon (aka Tommy Robinson). The group was established as a British chapter of the German-based organisation and was set up to counter what it called the “Islamisation of our countries”. By the summer of 2016, it had petered out.

Waters twice stood unsuccessfully to become a Labour parliamentary candidate. Today, she says she could not back Labour due to its “betrayal of women” and “betrayal of the country” over Islam. After joining Ukip in 2014, she first ran for political office in the Lambeth council election, where she finished in ninth place. At the 2015 general election, Waters stood as the party’s candidate in Lewisham East, finishing third with 9.1 per cent of the vote. She was chosen to stand again in the 2016 London Assembly elections but was deselected after her role in Pegida UK became public. Waters was also prevented from standing in Lewisham East at the 2017 general election after Ukip’s then-leader Nuttall publicly intervened.

The current favourite of the 11 candidates standing to succeed Nuttall is deputy leader Peter Whittle, with Waters in second. Some had hoped the party’s top brass would ban her from standing but last week its national executive approved her campaign.

Due to an expected low turnout, the leadership contest is unpredictable. Last November, Nuttall was elected with just 9,622 votes. More than 1,000 new members reportedly joined Ukip in a two-week period earlier this year, prompting fears of far-right entryism.

Mike Hookem MEP has resigned as Ukip’s deputy whip over Waters’ candidacy, saying he would not “turn a blind eye” to extremism. By contrast, chief whip, MEP Stuart Agnew, is a supporter and has likened her to Joan of Arc. Waters is also working closely on her campaign with Jack Buckby, a former BNP activist and one of the few candidates to run against Labour in the by-election for Jo Cox’s former seat of Batley and Spen. Robinson is another backer.

Peculiarly for someone running to be the leader of a party, Waters does not appear to relish public attention. “I’m not a limelight person,” she recently told the Times. “I don’t like being phoned all the time.”

The journalist Jamie Bartlett, who was invited to the initial launch of Pegida UK in Luton in 2015, said of Waters: “She failed to remember the date of the demo. Her head lolled, her words were slurred, and she appeared to almost fall asleep while Tommy [Robinson] was speaking. After 10 minutes it all ground to an uneasy halt.”

In an age when authenticity is everything, it would be a mistake to underestimate yet another unconventional politician. But perhaps British Muslims shouldn’t panic about Anne Marie Waters just yet.

James Bloodworth is editor of Left Foot Forward

This article first appeared in the 17 August 2017 issue of the New Statesman, Trump goes nuclear