How progressive is this government?

The outcome of the CGT row may be an indicator.

My column in this week's magazine explores how "progressive" this new coalition government of "liberal Conservatives" and Liberal Democrats actually is. Progressive is, of course, a notoriously nebulous, woolly and, therefore, contested term.

My argument is that a progressive political philosophy has to be defined, at its core, by its attitude towards the poor and -- especially -- towards the gap between rich and poor, and the need to reduce that gap.

One of the more progressive measures suggested by the coalition government is the proposal to raise capital gains tax (CGT), currently set at 18 per cent on all gains above £10,100 a year, to a level closer to that of income tax -- potentially up to 40 or even 50 per cent.

To tax unearned income is essential to tackling inequalities in income and wealth. It is, therefore, an inherently progressive policy.

How else do do we know that it's progressive? Because David Davis and John Redwood are opposed to it.

But will the coalition buckle under pressure from the Thatcherite back benches? Vince Cable, the Business Secretary, has told BBC News that "it's not actually an argument between the coalition partners, as I understand it, it's an argument between a few Conservative backbenchers and others".

He also said:

It's very important that we have wealth taxed in the same way as income. At present it is quite wrong and it is an open invitation to tax avoidance to have people taxed at 40 per cent or potentially 50 per cent on their income, but only taxed at 18 per cent on capital gains. It leads to large-scale tax avoidance. So, for reasons of fairness and practicality, we have agreed that the capital gains tax system needs to be fundamentally reformed.

He's right, of course. But whether or not he -- and the other Liberal Democrats in this new government -- are able to stick to their guns on CGT, and resist the right-wingers, will be a crucial test of the coalition's progressive credentials.

Mehdi Hasan is a contributing writer for the New Statesman and the co-author of Ed: The Milibands and the Making of a Labour Leader. He was the New Statesman's senior editor (politics) from 2009-12.

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There's just one future for the left: Jeremy Corbyn

Labour's new leader is redefining Labour for the 21st century, argues Liam Young. 

The politics of the resurgent left comes down to one simple maxim: people are sick and tired of establishment politics. When one makes this statement it is usually met with some form of disapproval. But it is important to realise that there are two different types of people that you have this conversation with.

First there are the people I surround myself with in a professional environment: political types. Then there are the people I surround myself with socially: normal people.

Unsurprisingly the second category is larger than the first and it is also more important. We may sit on high horses on Twitter or Facebook and across a multitude of different media outlets saying what we think and how important what we think is, but in reality few outside of the bubble could care less.

People who support Jeremy Corbyn share articles that support Jeremy Corbyn - such as my own. People who want to discredit Jeremy Corbyn share articles that discredit Jeremy Corbyn - like none of my own. It is entirely unsurprising right? But outside of this bubble rests the future of the left. Normal people who talk about politics for perhaps five minutes a day are the people we need to be talking to, and I genuinely believe that Labour is starting to do just that.

People know that our economy is rigged and it is not just the "croissant eating London cosmopolitans" who know this. It is the self-employed tradesman who has zero protection should he have to take time off work if he becomes ill. It is the small business owner who sees multi-national corporations get away with paying a tiny fraction of the tax he or she has to pay. And yes, it is the single mother on benefits who is lambasted in the street without any consideration for the reasons she is in the position she is in. And it is the refugee being forced to work for less than the minimum wage by an exploitative employer who keeps them in line with the fear of deportation. 

The odds are stacked against all normal people, whether on a zero hours contract or working sixty hours a week. Labour has to make the argument from the left that is inclusive of all. It certainly isn’t an easy task. But we start by acknowledging the fact that most people do not want to talk left or right – most people do not even know what this actually means. Real people want to talk about values and principles: they want to see a vision for the future that works for them and their family. People do not want to talk about the politics that we have established today. They do not want personality politics, sharp suits or revelations on the front of newspapers. This may excite the bubble but people with busy lives outside of politics are thoroughly turned off by it. They want solid policy recommendations that they believe will make their lives better.

People have had enough of the same old, of the system working against them and then being told that it is within their interest to simply go along with it.  It is our human nature to seek to improve, to develop. At the last election Labour failed to offer a vision of future to the electorate and there was no blueprint that helped people to understand what they could achieve under a Labour government. In the states, Bernie Sanders is right to say that we need a political revolution. Here at home we've certainly had a small one of our own, embodying the disenchantment with our established political discourse. The same-old will win us nothing and that is why I am firmly behind Jeremy Corbyn’s vision of a new politics – the future of the left rests within it. 

Liam Young is a commentator for the IndependentNew Statesman, Mirror and others.