Vote for Change? Cameron is the anti-change candidate

Conservatives scupper a referendum on electoral reform.

My colleagues James Macintyre and Jon Bernstein have already blogged on the new report from the Electoral Reform Society, highlighting how the "election is already over in most of the country", given the preponderance of so-called safe seats in our antiquated, disproportional and majoritarian first-past-the-post voting system.

But I thought I'd highlight how the Tories, the party campaigning on a slogan of "Time for a Change", succeeded last night in blocking any meaningful and democratic change to our broken electoral and political system in the dying days of this discredited parliament.

From the Guardian:

In one of the first casualties of the so-called wash-up, the government was forced to abandon its proposal to introduce a referendum on the Alternative Vote system for electing MPs in October.

The Tories rejected a Labour compromise that would have introduced a sunset clause so the referendum would have to be triggered by an incoming government for the referendum to be activated.

The Tories, so keen to hold a referendum on European treaties, won't allow the British public the opportunity to decide how to choose our elected representatives. So much for "devolving" power and "trusting" the citizens of this great nation.

Here is Willie Sullivan, head of the pro-plebiscite Vote for a Change campaign:

In Wash Up and armed with a veto not granted them by any voter, the Conservatives have killed reform of the voting system and reform of the House of Lords. Cameron's message is clear. And it isn't change.

It is ridiculous the government has backed down. But it's a scandal that Conservatives have been so willing to sacrifice constitutional reform to further their own prejudices. This scorched-earth policy reveals a party that is simply too scared to leave the verdict on first-past-the-post to the British people.

Oppose political reform. Defend the status quo. Deny voters a vote. This is the modern Conservative Party, under the "modernising" David Cameron. And, to borrow a phrase from across the pond, this is not change we can believe in.

 

Mehdi Hasan is a contributing writer for the New Statesman and the co-author of Ed: The Milibands and the Making of a Labour Leader. He was the New Statesman's senior editor (politics) from 2009-12.

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Theresa May is paying the price for mismanaging Boris Johnson

The Foreign Secretary's bruised ego may end up destroying Theresa May. 

And to think that Theresa May scheduled her big speech for this Friday to make sure that Conservative party conference wouldn’t be dominated by the matter of Brexit. Now, thanks to Boris Johnson, it won’t just be her conference, but Labour’s, which is overshadowed by Brexit in general and Tory in-fighting in particular. (One imagines that the Labour leadership will find a way to cope somehow.)

May is paying the price for mismanaging Johnson during her period of political hegemony after she became leader. After he was betrayed by Michael Gove and lacking any particular faction in the parliamentary party, she brought him back from the brink of political death by making him Foreign Secretary, but also used her strength and his weakness to shrink his empire.

The Foreign Office had its responsibility for negotiating Brexit hived off to the newly-created Department for Exiting the European Union (Dexeu) and for navigating post-Brexit trade deals to the Department of International Trade. Johnson was given control of one of the great offices of state, but with no responsibility at all for the greatest foreign policy challenge since the Second World War.

Adding to his discomfort, the new Foreign Secretary was regularly the subject of jokes from the Prime Minister and cabinet colleagues. May likened him to a dog that had to be put down. Philip Hammond quipped about him during his joke-fuelled 2017 Budget. All of which gave Johnson’s allies the impression that Johnson-hunting was a licensed sport as far as Downing Street was concerned. He was then shut out of the election campaign and has continued to be a marginalised figure even as the disappointing election result forced May to involve the wider cabinet in policymaking.

His sense of exclusion from the discussions around May’s Florence speech only added to his sense of isolation. May forgot that if you aren’t going to kill, don’t wound: now, thanks to her lost majority, she can’t afford to put any of the Brexiteers out in the cold, and Johnson is once again where he wants to be: centre-stage. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.