Undercover: behind the scenes of our Labour Special Issue

How Ben Jennings's cartoon of Ed Miliband and Ed Balls made the front page of the New Statesman.

Hello, and welcome to the second instalment of "Undercover", where I try to explain a bit about how we put our covers together. For the Labour party conference special issue, we decided to try a young cartoonist, Ben Jennings, who won last year's Political Cartoon of The Year award.

I wrote last month about the New Statesman's incredible history as a breeding ground for cartoonists (Martin Rowson, Will Self, the Telegraph's "Matt" and Peter Brookes all got a start here) so it's nice to continue that tradition by giving Ben the cover.

We asked him to draw Ed Miliband and Ed Balls, riffing on the former's focus on communities and patriotism and the latter's ferocious reputation. Here is his initial sketch:

Like last week, we have a flap, so this gives a "reveal" when you lift that up - who is Ed Milband trying to restrain? There are also a couple of small touches, such as Ed Balls's "Butch" collar and Ed Miliband's "predistribution" tattoo. 

Here's the coloured version:

One of the things that's great about Ben's style is the sense of movement you get from those extra lines. The sampled textures in the background are also something of a signature of his (and are usually done on a computer rather than by hand).

Anja Wohlstrom, our art director, and I talked about this, and while we loved the positions, and the expressions (and, in my case, Ed Balls's hair), we felt that it was a bit too red. Not that red isn't a lovely (and Labour-ish) colour, but with a red masthead too, it could all get a bit monochromatic.

So Ben produced a final version, with a park in the background:

Just the place to take a Labour attack dog for a walk. 

Ben Jennings's final artwork for the New Statesman cover.

Helen Lewis is deputy editor of the New Statesman. She has presented BBC Radio 4’s Week in Westminster and is a regular panellist on BBC1’s Sunday Politics.

Photo: Getty Images
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How can Britain become a nation of homeowners?

David Cameron must unlock the spirit of his postwar predecessors to get the housing market back on track. 

In the 1955 election, Anthony Eden described turning Britain into a “property-owning democracy” as his – and by extension, the Conservative Party’s – overarching mission.

60 years later, what’s changed? Then, as now, an Old Etonian sits in Downing Street. Then, as now, Labour are badly riven between left and right, with their last stay in government widely believed – by their activists at least – to have been a disappointment. Then as now, few commentators seriously believe the Tories will be out of power any time soon.

But as for a property-owning democracy? That’s going less well.

When Eden won in 1955, around a third of people owned their own homes. By the time the Conservative government gave way to Harold Wilson in 1964, 42 per cent of households were owner-occupiers.

That kicked off a long period – from the mid-50s right until the fall of the Berlin Wall – in which home ownership increased, before staying roughly flat at 70 per cent of the population from 1991 to 2001.

But over the course of the next decade, for the first time in over a hundred years, the proportion of owner-occupiers went to into reverse. Just 64 percent of households were owner-occupier in 2011. No-one seriously believes that number will have gone anywhere other than down by the time of the next census in 2021. Most troublingly, in London – which, for the most part, gives us a fairly accurate idea of what the demographics of Britain as a whole will be in 30 years’ time – more than half of households are now renters.

What’s gone wrong?

In short, property prices have shot out of reach of increasing numbers of people. The British housing market increasingly gets a failing grade at “Social Contract 101”: could someone, without a backstop of parental or family capital, entering the workforce today, working full-time, seriously hope to retire in 50 years in their own home with their mortgage paid off?

It’s useful to compare and contrast the policy levers of those two Old Etonians, Eden and Cameron. Cameron, so far, has favoured demand-side solutions: Help to Buy and the new Help to Buy ISA.

To take the second, newer of those two policy innovations first: the Help to Buy ISA. Does it work?

Well, if you are a pre-existing saver – you can’t use the Help to Buy ISA for another tax year. And you have to stop putting money into any existing ISAs. So anyone putting a little aside at the moment – not going to feel the benefit of a Help to Buy ISA.

And anyone solely reliant on a Help to Buy ISA – the most you can benefit from, if you are single, it is an extra three grand from the government. This is not going to shift any houses any time soon.

What it is is a bung for the only working-age demographic to have done well out of the Coalition: dual-earner couples with no children earning above average income.

What about Help to Buy itself? At the margins, Help to Buy is helping some people achieve completions – while driving up the big disincentive to home ownership in the shape of prices – and creating sub-prime style risks for the taxpayer in future.

Eden, in contrast, preferred supply-side policies: his government, like every peacetime government from Baldwin until Thatcher’s it was a housebuilding government.

Why are house prices so high? Because there aren’t enough of them. The sector is over-regulated, underprovided, there isn’t enough housing either for social lets or for buyers. And until today’s Conservatives rediscover the spirit of Eden, that is unlikely to change.

I was at a Conservative party fringe (I was on the far left, both in terms of seating and politics).This is what I said, minus the ums, the ahs, and the moment my screensaver kicked in.

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.