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When discrimination works

  • Posted by Martin Bright
  • 03 July 2008

Parents of children who are now at private school are already talking of moving them to the local state sixth form

There was a curious story on page three of the Sunday Times at the weekend. With the headline "Universities told to favour poor schools", it concerned one of the most intriguing institutions created by Gordon Brown's government when it was still in its full honeymoon flush.

The National Council for Educational Excellence (NCEE), chaired jointly by the Prime Minister and his two secretaries of state, Ed Balls (Schools) and John Denham (Universities), was intended as a marker of Brown's intentions. The council, made up of people from the business world, headteachers, college principals and university vice-chancellors, has now made its recommendations to ministers. The news is that the NCEE has thought the genuinely unthinkable. In order to increase the numbers of students from poorer families attending the country's top universities, admissions tutors will be encouraged to take into account prospective students' school and social background.

As a former education correspondent, I know that the story has always to be that standards are falling, so it was no surprise that a genuine scoop was turned into a classic tale of "dumbing down". According to the news report, the NCEE was to recommend giving preferential treatment to students from bad schools. Independent schools, which depend for their very financial existence on their ability to deliver a certain number of Oxbridge places a year, were said to be up in arms about the new arrangements. Certain top universities are already running schemes to help boost the numbers of state school students. At that most significant focus group of all, the north London dinner party, parents with children at private schools are talking of moving them to state sixth forms to give them a better chance of getting into a good university. The thought that children from less privileged backgrounds might be given a fighting chance is sending shivers through the chattering classes.

Egalitarian

It is impossible to deny the injustice of the present set-up. It may come as no surprise that only a third of university students come from the lowest socio-economic group and that only one in ten in this group attends Oxford or Cambridge. But it is not justifiable. Gordon Brown knows that new Labour has made too little difference to social mobility in this country, which is one of the reasons why he felt it was so important to establish the NCEE. The fact that, after a decade in power of Labour, the educational chances of a British child still depend largely on the wealth of his or her parents is indefensible.

The NCEE is the sort of institution that supporters of a Gordon Brown premiership hoped he would set up: radical, high-minded and egalitarian in sprit. Its remit is necessarily far wider than university admissions alone. It is designed to advise ministers on how to push up standards in underperforming state schools so they reach the national average and ensure that mediocre schools aspire to the highest levels of achievement for their pupils (whatever their capabilities or talents).

I had a previously arranged meeting with Alison Richard, vice-chancellor of Cambridge University, the day after news of the NCEE recommendations broke. As a member of the council, she refused to confirm or deny the newspaper reports, but was furious that the dumbing-down argument had again been wheeled out. She is right to be angry. How can it possibly be a bad idea to widen the pool of talent from which our top universities select their students? Everyone but the less talented children of the privileged benefits from the new arrangements.

Devastating statistics

I needed little persuading of the need for reform, but Richard, a former professor of anthropology at Yale, sat me down and presented to me a set of devastating statistics. Each year, for instance, 3,000 students whose qualifications mean they could be at one of the 13 most academic institutions in the country (the so-called Russell Group) simply do not apply. At the other end of the spectrum, of the 600,000 students who reach 16 each year, more than 300,000 fail to get five GCSEs at grades A-C. This is a national scandal in itself, as most of these children come from the lowest social groups.

If that weren't enough of an indication that we have collectively failed to provide a decent education for the poorest in society, then her final statistic was even more shocking. Of the children from the lowest social group who had performed badly at 16, a staggering 60,000 were at some point shown to have been in the top 20 per cent of the school population in academic performance.

So, as Professor Richard recognises, the problems stretch much further than the children with good A-levels from state schools not applying to the top universities. This is embedded deep in our culture. Take the case of Majid Ahmed, a remarkable 18-year-old from Bradford who won a place at Imperial College, London to read medicine after turning his back on a life of crime. When he admitted a conviction for burglary, Imperial told him he was no longer welcome on the course.

We are living in a post-egalitarian world, where we may talk the language of social mobility but do little to make a practical difference. The reality is that we are stuck. And the decision by Imperial College to withdraw that offer of a place to Majid Ahmed shows just how stuck we are.

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5 comments from readers

Michael Powell
03 July 2008 at 15:54

Surely it's a good sign that middle-class parents are switching their children into the state education sector? If the trend can be maintained everyone in the state sector will benefit from more high-ability pupils, better funding and higher standards, while the private sector will wither away into increasing irrelevance. It's a strange way to increase social mobility, but none of the other ways seem to have worked, so it's worth a try.

Martin Bright
03 July 2008 at 16:17

It's only anecdotal, but would be much more socially useful if they kept their children in the state system all the way through.

knave
03 July 2008 at 20:09

"It's only anecdotal, but would be much more socially useful if they kept their children in the state system all the way through."

Good point but I know many parents who use the private system in a mix and match manner, which is their right because they pay taxes. Most of the time it hasn’t anything to do with the quality of teaching, because there massive cross over in staff but has more to with the understandable reason of having your kid taught with a disaffected badly brought up child. That is why the use of studio schools and taking those youths out of general education and teaching them a trade is a step in the right direction .What we also have to do is to look at the state systems in places like Finland and ask the question why is there no private education in those countries.

Thisisme
09 July 2008 at 18:39

'a disaffected badly brought up child. That is why the use of studio schools and taking those youths out of general education and teaching them a trade is a step in the right direction'

just because a child is badly brought up doesn't mean they are stupid, uneducatable, or should be 'taught a trade' it might just mean they need a little paitient and understand to find a teaching style that suits them, or a little TLC to show them they are worth while and there is a point trying. Just because a child has suffered from bad parenting doesn't mean the school system should turn its back on them.

knave
09 July 2008 at 19:32

I totally agree thisisme. These schools are not like secondary moderns . They offer these students choice. They only go to studio schools if their parents and the students agree. Also these are students that are very likely to permantly excluded.

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About the writer

Martin Bright

Martin Bright began his journalistic career writing in very simple English for a magazine aimed at French school children. This experience has informed his style ever since. He worked for the BBC World Service, and The Guardian before joining the Observer as Education Correspondent. He went on to become Home Affairs Editor before becoming the New Statesman's political editor in 2005.

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