Game of the year? Not for me, it wasn't . . .

<em>Mass Effect 2</em> is fun and polished -- but it didn't deserve to pick up the top prize at the

And the best game of last year was . . . Mass Effect 2. That was the verdict of the British Academy Video Games Awards voters, anyway. I can't say I agree with them.

That's not to say I dislike Mass Effect 2. I enjoyed playing it -- much more than the first game, not least because they removed a very irritating side quest that involved driving endlessly round barren planets in search of minerals. (Admittedly, they replaced it with an equally irritating side quest where you simply stayed on your ship and scanned for minerals.)

The characters were well realised in terms of backstory, dialogue and voice acting; the gameplay was fun and intuitive; the graphics were often beautiful. My only real quibble would be with the plot, which felt like moving through a checklist. Befriended nails-hard assassin? Check. Painstakingly upgraded all armour and weapons? Had BioWare's signature softcore alien love scene? Check. It's telling that I had to go and look up what happened at the end, because I couldn't remember six months after playing it. (By contrast, I can still clearly recall the story of the first Mass Effect.)

That aside, it's no surprise that ME2 picked up such high review scores -- its Metacritic average was 96 -- because it's rare for a game to do everything so well across the board. But to me, that's not what a Game of the Year award should recognise. I think it should be something that surprises you, that shows you something new is possible in the medium. It's the same reason that I wish the Best Film Oscar had gone to Inception, rather than The King's Speech -- and the year before that, I would have picked Avatar over The Hurt Locker.

There are several reasons ME2 didn't blow me away, the primary one being that it was a sequel. It took many of its most successful elements from the first game and others were simply refinements of them. For that reason, I don't think the award should have gone to Assassin's Creed: Brotherhood, either -- despite Naomi Alderman's very persuasive championing of it -- or Super Mario Galaxy 2. I'm not saying that a sequel couldn't be amazing and unexpected; just that it's harder.

What does that leave? I can't really comment on Fifa 11, having not played a football game since Championship Manager 97/98, but I doubt that it's much of a trailblazer, either.

Two contenders remain among the nominees: Limbo and Heavy Rain. The former was definitely the plucky underdog: a downloadable game costing under £10, developed by a small Danish independent studio. The British Academy host Dara O'Briain spoke for many in the audience when he said that he wished it had won something, and it's a tempting argument. Limbo showed smaller developers that there is hope; that digital distribution via Xbox Live Arcade and the PlayStation Network should make it easier for them to get breakout hits.

But although Limbo was a beautiful, thoughtful, wonderful game -- see the NS review of it here -- I don't think it should have won best game. It would be like a poem winning the Booker Prize.

Which brings me to Heavy Rain. It is, so far, unique in its gameplay mechanic (entirely dependent on quick-time events and controller movements) and it's the first time I've seen such a domestic, gritty, realistic story told in a game. If you had told people 20, even ten years ago that games would be dealing with child abduction in a mature, emotive way, they'd have scoffed (and then gone back to running over prostitutes in Grand Theft Auto 3, probably). Then there was the storytelling mode -- four playable characters, whose plots interweave -- and the multiplicity of potential endings, rather than simply a "good" or "bad" one as we've come to expect.

It feels weird to champion Heavy Rain when I didn't enjoy playing it as much as some of the other nominees (QTEs make me profoundly nervous) but it is the game that most changed the way I think about what games can do. Its real value lies in being a stepping stone, I hope, to a whole new avenue in gaming.

So huge congratulations to BioWare, who made a great game and should be praised for it. But I can't help wishing it had been another studio up on that podium.

Helen Lewis is deputy editor of the New Statesman. She has presented BBC Radio 4’s Week in Westminster and is a regular panellist on BBC1’s Sunday Politics.

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Chuka Umunna calls for "solidarity" among Labour MPs, whoever is voted leader

The full text of shadow business secretary Chuka Umunna's speech to Policy Network on election-winning ideas for Labour's future, and the weaknesses of the New Labour project.

There has never been an easy time to be a social democrat (or “democratic socialist” as we sometimes call ourselves in Britain). Whereas the right can demonise the poor and extol the virtues of the market, and the hard left can demonise the market and extol the role of the state, our position of constraining the domination of markets and reforming the state is, by definition, more complex.

It is nonetheless the case that social democracy has a historic responsibility, in every generation, to renew democracy and preserve a civic culture. This is achieved not through soundbites and slogans, but through the hard-headed development of a progressive politics that reconciles liberty and democracy, new comers and locals to our communities, business and workers, in a common life that preserves security, prosperity and peace.  This historic mission is all the more urgent now and my determination that we succeed has grown not weakened since our election defeat last May.

But, in order to be heard, it is necessary to make balanced and reasonable argument that both animates and inspires our movement, and which is popular and plausible with the people.  The first is pre-requisite to the second; and there is no choice to be made between your party’s fundamental principles and electability. They are mutually dependent - you cannot do one without the other.

We are in the midst of choosing a new leader and it is clear to anyone who has watched the UK Labour Party leadership election this summer that amongst a significant number there is a profound rage against Third Way politics – as pursued by the likes of Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Gerhard Schröder and others - as a rejection of our fundamental values.

In the UK there is a view that New Labour accepted an uncritical accommodation with global capital that widened inequality, weakened organised labour and we were too close to the US Republicans and too far from the European left.

I do not believe this is fair, not least because we rescued many of our public services from the scrap heap when we came to office in 1997 and there were very significant achievements  we should celebrate.  New Labour renewed our National Health Service in a fundamental way; we built new schools and improved existing ones; we set up new children’s centres all over the country; we brought in a National Minimum Wage; we worked with others to bring peace to Northern Ireland; we introduced civil partnerships.  Just some of our achievements.

However, though we may take issue with the critique, I do not think we can simply dismiss out of hand those who hold critical views of New Labour. Like any government, the New Labour administration made mistakes - it could and should have achieved more, and done more to challenge the Right’s assumptions about the world. In the end, it is not unreasonable to be ambitious for what your party in government can achieve in building greater equality, liberty, democracy and sustainability. It is far better we acknowledge, not reject, this ambition for a better world, as we seek to forge a new politics of the common good fit for the future.

Realising our values in office has been disrupted by globalisation and the surge of technological forces that are displacing and reshaping industry after industry.

Some argue that globalisation as an ideological construct of the right. But we must recognise that we live in an increasingly integrated world in which markets have led to an unprecedented participation of excluded people in prosperity, a rise in living standards for hundreds of millions  of people and a literacy unprecedented in human history – this is particularly so in emerging economies like my father’s native Nigeria. And the internet has led to a level of accountability that has disturbed elites.

Yet, this has been combined with a concentration of ownership that needs to be challenged, of a subordination of politics that requires creative rather than reactive thinking, and these global forces have exacerbated inequalities as well as helped reduce poverty.

So it is important that we understand the sheer scale and impact of new technologies. At the moment we are engaged in a debate about Uber and its threat to one of the last vestiges of vocational labour markets left in London, those of the black taxi cabs and their attainment of 'The Knowledge'. But the reality is that within the next decade there will be the emergence of driverless cars so we have to intensify our exploration of how to support people in a knowledge economy and the realities of lifelong learning, as well as lifelong teaching. As people live longer we will have to think about how to engage them constructively in work and teaching in new ways.

Once again, I'm addressing all of this, Social Democracy requires a balanced view that domesticates the destructive energy of capital while recognising its creative energy, that recognises the need for new skills rather than simply the protection of old ones. A Social Democracy that recognises that internationalism requires co-operation between states and not a zero sum game that protectionism would encourage.

Above all, Social Democratic politics must recognise the importance of place, of the resources to be found in the local through which the pressures of globalisation can be mediated and shaped. Our job is to shape the future and neither to accept it as a passive fate nor to indulge the fantasy that we can dominate it but to work with the grain of change in order to renew our tradition, recognising the creativity of the workforce, the benefits of democracy and the importance of building a common life.  Sources of value are to be found in local traditions and institutions.

This also requires a recognition that though demonstration and protest are important,; but relationships and conversations are a far more effective way of building a movement for political change.

One of the huge weaknesses of New Labour was in its reliance on mobilisation from the centre rather than organising. It therefore allowed itself to be characterised as an elite project with wide popular support but it did not build a base for its support within the party across the country, and it did not develop leaders from the communities it represented. It was strong on policy but weak on strengthening democratic politics, particularly Labour politics.

Over half a million people are now members, supporters or affiliated supporters of our party, with hundreds of thousands joining in the last few weeks. Some have joined in order to thwart the pursuit of Labour values but many more have joined to further the pursuit of those values, including lots of young people. At a time when so many are walking away from centre left parties across the Western world and many young people do not vote let alone join a party, this is surely something to celebrate.

So it is vital that we now embrace our new joiners and harness the energy they can bring to renewing Labour’s connection with the people. First, we must help as many them as possible to become doorstep activists for our politics. Second, I have long argued UK Labour should campaign and organise not only to win elections but to affect tangible change through local community campaigns. We brought Arnie Graf, the Chicago community organiser who mentored President Obama in his early years, over from the U.S. to help teach us how to community organise more effectively. We should bring Arnie back over to finish the job and help empower our new joiners to be the change they want to see in every community – we need to build on the links they have with local groups and organisations.

I mentioned at the beginning that in every generation Social Democracy is besieged from left and right but the achievements of each generation are defined by the strength of a complex political tradition that strengthens solidarity through protecting democracy and liberty, a role for the state and the market and seeks to shape the future through an inclusive politics. Solidarity is key which is why we must accept the result of our contest when it comes and support our new leader in developing an agenda that can return Labour to office.

Yes, these are troubled times for social democrats. All over Europe there is a sense among our traditional voters that we are remote and do not share their concerns or represent their interests or values.  There is surge of support for populist right wing parties from Denmark to France, of more left wing parties in Greece and Spain and in Britain too. There is renewal of imperial politics in Russia, the murderous and abhorrent regime of ISIL in the Middle East, volatility in the Chinese economy and in Europe a flow of immigration that causes fear and anxiety.

But, the task of Social Democracy in our time is to fashion a politics of hope that can bring together divided populations around justice, peace and prosperity so that we can govern ourselves democratically. We have seen worse than this and weathered the storm. I am looking forward, with great optimism to be being part of a generation that renews our relevance and popularity in the years to come.

Chuka Umunna is the shadow business secretary and the Labour MP for Streatham.