Five of the Best

The top five comment pieces from today's papers

In the Times, the historian Felipe Fernández-Armesto argues against the Malthusian terror that emerges as the UK population grows:

Population increase causes none of the problems commonly ascribed to it. We face crises of biodiversity and resources -- but because of our madcap consumption, not our numbers.

The Conservative MEP Daniel Hannan writes in the Daily Telegraph on the growing intolerance of dissenting MPs:

My point is that we seem to have lost the notion that a backbencher speaks for himself. I like David Cameron, and want him to be prime minister, not least so that Britain stops racking up debt. But the idea that I therefore agree with him on every issue is, when you think about it, silly.

The Economist's Bagehot column discusses the lack of talent on the Labour and Conservative front benches and suggests that a US-style system of outside appointments could remedy this:

The solution is simple. Prime ministers should reach beyond Westminster for more of their hires. The more technocratic departments could be led by captains of industry or accomplished scientists. Some might even survive handovers of power, like Robert Gates, the defence secretary retained by Barack Obama.

The Independent's Johann Hari criticises the new film version of Naomi Klein's The Shock Doctrine, which Klein has publicly distanced herself from.

In the Wall Street Journal, Bjørn Lomborg explores the technological solutions to climate change:

One proposal would have boats spray seawater droplets into clouds above the sea to make them reflect more sunlight back into space -- augmenting the natural process where evaporating ocean sea salt helps to provide tiny particles for clouds to form around.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Getty Images.
Show Hide image

The problem with Theresa May's Brexit message is that isn't true

By refusing to level with the public, May is storing up Blair levels of disillusionment for the future.

You can get an idea of how low-wattage the election is so far from the amount of attention being paid to Boris Johnson, who has returned to the scene, not to talk about the ongoing tensions between the United States and North Korea, but to call Jeremy Corbyn a "mutton-headed mugwump" in a column for the Sun

It's the classic Johnson gambit - a colourful way of appearing to be off-message while reinforcing the central message of the Conservative campaign: that this is an election about Brexit, and that the bigger the majority, the greater the chances that Britain will get a good Brexit deal.

It has the added benefit of punching Labour's biggest bruise: the thumping lead that Theresa May enjoys over Jeremy Corbyn as Britain's preferred Prime Minister. IpsosMori, Britain's oldest pollster, have a poll that sums up the scale of May's advantage: she's currently the most popular PM we've had since IpsosMori started polling: more popular than even than Margaret Thatcher or Tony Blair at the peak of their powers. "Poll: May most popular leader in FORTY years" is the Metro's splash. And all of the evidence suggests that it is working, with the Tory lead extending since the election was called.

There's just one small problem, really: May's message isn't true. EU leaders feel the same way about other people's elections as most people do about other people's pets or children: they'll try to accommodate them, sure. But ultimately, they take a distant back seat to their own. There is not a Brexit dividend to be unlocked simply through getting a bigger Conservative majority. Whether May's majority is one, ten or 100, she will face the same trade-offs and the same partners with the same incentives.

There is a bit of excitement this morning about the fact that the Times/YouGov tracker shows that more people (45%) say that Brexit is not working than say it is working (42%). The truth is that the margin of error in all polls is plus or minus three, so that shouldn't be seen as anything more than noise. Every other poll and focus group shows that the bulk of people still have sky-high expectations of Britain's Brexit deal.

Brexit may be a success, but it will involve concessions to our partners in the EU and won't be the cure-all that many people who voted to Leave believe that it will. By refusing to level with the public, May is storing up late-period Blair levels of disillusionment for the future. Not that it matters as far as she is concerned; if the polls are to be believed and I see no reason to disbelieve them, she's headed for a win that means the next time the Opposition could even hope to competitive will be 2027 - by which time she'll be 71 and likely contemplating retirement and the speakers' circuit.

But if you look at everything that's happened to Labour since their promise to have "ended boom and bust", her successors at the top of the Tory party will live to regret her lack of candour.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

0800 7318496